Abigail Smith Adams (1744-1818), Mrs. John Adams, by Gilbert Stuart, ca. 1800-1815. National Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C.

By Elizabeth Bissell Miller, “Abigail Adams,”
The Digital Encyclopedia of George Washington

George Washington owned slaves from an early age, & held conflicting views about the institution of slavery throughout his life. Abigail Smith Adams (1744-1818), Mrs. John Adams, was impressed with Washington in general, but spoke of her disagreement with his position as a slaveholder.

Throughout her life, Abigail Adams held steadfast to core principles: she was a humanitarian, activist, & leader with an acute sense of both America's successes & failures. Adams advocated for gender equality in public education & the need to pay attention to the social, political, & educational needs of women. She also firmly believed in the necessity for the emancipation of African Americans from slavery &, like her husband, firmly believed in dissolving the political union with Great Britain. In one final act of rebellion, Adams, a married woman whose property was controlled by her living husband, wrote a will & left the majority of her possessions to her female kin.

Frequently forsaking private joy for the greater public good, Adams voiced her views not only in quasi-political situations—such as during her appointment to the Massachusetts Colony General Court in 1775—but also to her husband during his numerous domestic & overseas diplomatic missions. It was in her role as unofficial advisor that she made her greatest contributions to the early American nation. It is believed that Abigail & John Adams exchanged more than 1,100 letters on topics ranging from government & politics to women's rights. Her firm views on American independence were succinctly expressed in a 1775 letter, explaining: "Let us separate, they are unworthy to be our Brethren. Let us renounce them..."
1792 George Washington before the Battle of Trenton by John Trumbull (1756-1843)

Abigail Adams first met George Washington shortly after he took command of the Continental Army. Adams had initial hesitations regarding Washington as a slaveholder & member of the Virginia planter elite. However, after meeting, Adams wrote her husband that she was "struck with General Washington,"& that his appointment was received with "universal satisfaction." Adams further explained that Washington was marked by "Dignity with ease. . .the Gentleman & Soldier look agreeably blended in him."

An ardent advocate for the cause of American liberty, Adams was uniquely able to express herself with eloquence at a time when women received little formal instruction. In a series of letters written beginning in 1776, Adams boldly argued for women’s rights. After learning that her husband would serve on the committee that would draft the Declaration of Independence, Adams admonished him to:"Remember the Ladies..." Although John Adams did not follow his wife's advice, ultimately his political agenda was shaped as much by his own opinions as by his valuable discourse with Abigail.

Abigail was John's all-encompassing aide-de-camp, chief of staff, & brain trust. However, her influence was not appreciated by all, particularly those who scathingly called her "Mrs. President."Abigail accompanied John to his diplomatic post in Paris in 1784. In 1785, she carefully handled the complex role of wife of the first United States Minister to Great Britain. And later she was wife of the first U.S. Vice President, & wife of the second U.S. President, serving as First Lady from March 4, 1797 to March 4, 1801.

A granddaughter of pre-revolutionary era politician John Quincy, & the daughter of a Congregationalist minister, Abigail married John Adams in October 1764 at the age of nineteen. Abigail's lifelong enjoyment of philosophy, theology, ancient history, government, & law, which was championed by her grandmother & other relatives, helped both Abigail & the young American nation chart a new course. Abigail played a vital role in America until her passing in 1818. She advocated for women's education, women's social & political needs, & the abolition of slavery.

Sea Captains Carousing in Surinam(Wikimedia Commons)

What Did the Founding Fathers Eat and Drink as They Started a Revolution?
By Amanda Cargill at Smithsonian.com, July 3, 2018

"...Walter Staib, executive chef at Philadelphia’s City Tavern and host of PBS’ “A Taste of History,” contends that among those who signed the Declaration in 1776 were America’s earliest foodies. “While [farm-to-table and foodie movements] are trendy today,” he says, “the founders were doing it out of necessity.”

"He points out that colonial America lacked the transportation infrastructure to deliver foods from faraway lands:“If it was around, you ate it.” What was around were legumes, produce and anything that could be foraged or hunted. In the mid-Atlantic, seafood was especially popular, reflecting the abundance of the Delaware River, which was then, says Staib, “pristine and teeming with fish.” Today, following two centuries of pollution that decreased water quality and diminished fish populations, it is in the early stages of a rebound.

"George Washington was exceedingly fond of dining on seafood. For nearly 40 years, the three fisheries he operated along the ten-mile Potomac shoreline that bordered Mount Vernon processed more than a million fish annually. Among the items on the plantation’s menu were crabmeat casseroles, oyster gumbos and salmon mousse.

"Thomas Jefferson admired French fare above all, and he is credited, according to Staib, with popularizing frites, ice cream and champagne. He is also often credited—although incorrectly—with the introduction of macaroni and cheese to the American palate. It was, in fact, his enslaved chef James Hemings who, via Jefferson’s kitchen, brought the creamy southern staple to Monticello. Trained at the elite Château de Chantilly while accompanying Jefferson on a trip to France, Hemings would later become one of only two laborers enslaved by Jefferson to negotiate his freedom.

"As for dessert, none of the Founding Fathers was without a sweet tooth. John Adams’ wife, Abigail, regularly baked Apple Pan Dowdy, a pie-meets-cobbler hybrid that was popular in New England in the early 1800s; James Madison loved ice cream and was spoiled by his wife Dolley’s creative cakes, for which she gained such renown that, to this day, supermarkets across America carry a brand of prepared pastries bearing her—albeit incorrectly spelled—name; and John Jay, in a letter sent to his father in 1790, reported that he carried chocolate with him on long journeys, likely “shaving or grating it into pots of milk,” says Kevin Paschall, chocolate maker at Philadelphia’s historic Shane Confectionery, and consuming it as a drink.

"The Founders, like most colonists, were fans of adult beverages. Colonial Americans drank roughly three times as much as modern Americans, primarily in the form of beer, cider, and whiskey. In Colonial Spirits: A Toast to Our Drunken History, author Steven Grasse connects this seemingly outsized consumption to the Revolutionary spirit of the time when he writes, “In the drink, a dream; and in the dream, a spark.” Reverend Michael Alan, who illustrated and helped research the book says simply: “From morning until night, people in the 18th century drank.”

"Benjamin Franklin was especially unabashed about his love of “the cups.” Though Grasse writes that he was careful to advise temperance, he regularly enjoyed wine and what some might argue were early iterations of craft cocktails. His favorite, according to Alan, was milk punch, a three-ingredient brandy-based sip whose two non-alcoholic components–milk and lemon juice–washed and refined its third. Another Franklin foodie badge is his “Drinkers’ Dictionary,” a compendium of Colonial slang describing the state of drunkenness. Initially printed in 1737 in the Pennsylvania Gazette, its publication made Franklin one of America’s first food and drink writers.

"Washington was known for racking up sizable tabs after buying drinks for friends. Recounting one particularly generous–and raucous–night wherein Washington ordered 54 bottles of Madeira, 60 bottles of Claret, and 7 full bowls of punch, Alan says “He knew how to throw down.”

Despite this, it was Jefferson, notes Grasse, who was the true oenophile of the bunch. As a young man, he drank Portuguese Madeira by the truckload, and in his post-Presidential years, he repeatedly tried and failed to cultivate grapes for winemaking at his vineyard in Monticello.

"While tales of alcoholic escapades could understandably lead one to believe that the Founders were a group of party animals–save the relatively sober Alexander Hamilton, referred to by John Adams as an “insolent coxcomb” who, on the rare occasion that he drank something other than coffee, became “silly and vaporing”–it’s important to note the reasons why alcohol consumption was so high.

"First and foremost, drinking alcohol was a means of survival. Potable water was scarce in colonial times, writes Grasse, so almost all of what was available carried harmful diseases. Among these were smallpox, lockjaw, and the delightfully named black vomit. For colonists, drinking water meant risking one’s life, and no one who could afford otherwise dared do it. Alan confirms that even children drank beer–a hard cider and molasses combination aptly named “ciderkin.” Put simply, consuming alcohol was, in the absence of clean drinking water, a means of staying hydrated.

The taverns where alcohol was consumed also played a vital role in colonial life. “Systems like the post office, libraries, even courthouses, were just being put into place,” explains Alan. “Taverns offered all of these services plus a good beer buzz.”

"For political figures like the Founding Fathers, taverns were also where one went to get the inside scoop on political adversaries and posit agendas for which one hoped to gain favor. “Ben Franklin,” reports Staib, “used taverns as a tool of diplomacy.” For him, “eating, drinking, and gossiping” were negotiation tactics. It was in taverns that the Founding Fathers, “emboldened by liquid courage,” to quote Staib, and likely, after tying a few on, unfettered by the rarefied rules of governance to which all of history had subscribed, honed the concepts contained in the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution."

1730-40 Artist: John Smibert 1688-1751. Subject: Sarah Middlecott 1678-1764 (Mrs. Louis Boucher). Henry Francis duPont Winterthur Museum. Mr. Louis Boucher, who had been born in France, was lost at sea in 1715. They had been married in 1702, in Boston by Cotton Mather.

Jonathan Edwards (1703–1758)nbsp; by Joseph Badger (1708–65).  Jonathan Edwards (1703-1758) was an American preacher, philosopher, and Congregationalist theologian. Edwards is widely regarded as "one of America's most important and original philosophical theologians." His theological work was rooted in Reformed theology, determinism, and the Puritan heritage. Edwards grounded his life's work on conceptions of beauty, harmony, and ethical fittingness, and The Enlightenment . Edwards played a critical role in shaping the First Great Awakening, overseeing some of the first revivals in 1733–35 at his church in Northampton, Massachusetts.

A Divine and Supernatural Light, Immediately Imparted to the Soul by the Spirit of God, Shown to be Both Spiritual and Rational Doctrine by Jonathan Edwards (1703–1758) 

And Jesus answered and said unto him, “Blessed art thou, Simon Barjona: for flesh and blood hath not revealed it unto thee, but my Father which is in heaven.” — Matthew 16:17

CHRIST says these words to Peter upon occasion of his professing his faith in him as the Son of God. Our Lord was inquiring of his disciples, who men said he was.…Simon Peter, whom we find always zealous and forward, was the first to answer: he readily replied to the question, Thou art Christ, the Son of the living God.

Upon this occasion, Christ says as he does to him, and of him in the text: in which we may observe,

That Peter is pronounced blessed on this account. Blessed art thou—“Thou art a happy man, that thou art not ignorant of this, that I am Christ, the Son of the living God.…Happy art thou, that art so distinguished as to know the truth in this matter.”

The evidence of this his happiness declared; viz., that God, and he only, had revealed it to him. This is an evidence of his being blessed.…

What had passed in the preceding discourse naturally occasioned Christ to observe this; because the disciples had been telling how others did not know him, but were generally mistaken about him, and divided and confounded in their opinions of him: but Peter had declared his assured faith, that he was the Son of God. Now it was natural to observe, how it was not flesh and blood that had revealed it to him, but God: for if this knowledge were dependent on natural causes or means, how came it to pass that they, a company of poor fishermen, illiterate men, and persons of low education, attained to the knowledge of the truth; while the Scribes and Pharisees, men of vastly higher advantages, and greater knowledge and sagacity in other matters, remained in ignorance? This could be owing only to the gracious distinguishing influence and revelation of the Spirit of God. Hence, what I would make the subject of my present discourse from these words, is this:

DOCTRINE

That there is such a thing as a spiritual and divine light immediately imparted to the soul by God, of a different nature from any that is obtained by natural means.

And on this subject I would

I. Show what this divine light is.

II. How it is given immediately by God, and not obtained by natural means.

III. Show the truth of the doctrine.

And then conclude with a brief improvement.

I would show what this spiritual and divine light is. And in order to it, would show, First, In a few things what it is not. And here,

Those convictions that natural men may have of their sin and misery, is not this spiritual and divine light. Men in a natural condition may have convictions of the guilt that lies upon them, and of the anger of God, and their danger of divine vengeance.…Conscience is a principle natural to men; and the work that it doth naturally, or of itself, is to give an apprehension of right and wrong, and to suggest to the mind the relation that there is between right and wrong, and a retribution.…

This spiritual and divine light does not consist in any impression made upon the imagination. It is no impression upon the mind, as though one saw any thing with the bodily eyes: it is no imagination or idea of an outward light or glory, or any beauty of form or countenance, or a visible luster or brightness of any object.…

This spiritual light is not the suggesting of any new truths or propositions not contained in the word of God.…It reveals no new doctrine, it suggests no new proposition to the mind, it teaches no new thing of God, or Christ, or another world, not taught in the Bible, but only gives a due apprehension of those things that are taught in the word of God.

’Tis not every affecting view that men have of the things of religion that is this spiritual and divine light. Men by mere principles of nature are capable of being affected with things that have a special relation to religion as well as other things.…

But I proceed to show, Secondly, Positively what this spiritual and divine light is. And it may be thus described: a true sense of the divine excellency of the things revealed in the word of God, and a conviction of the truth and reality of them thence arising.… A spiritual and saving conviction of the truth and reality of these things, arises from such a sight of their divine excellency and glory; so that this conviction of their truth is an effect and natural consequence of this sight of their divine glory.

There is therefore in this spiritual light

A true sense of the divine and superlative excellency of the things of religion; a real sense of the excellency of God and Jesus Christ, and of the work of redemption, and the ways and works of God revealed in the gospel.… He that is spiritually enlightened truly apprehends and sees it, or has a sense of it. He does not merely rationally believe that God is glorious, but he has a sense of the gloriousness of God in his heart. There is not only a rational belief that God is holy, and that holiness is a good thing, but there is a sense of the loveliness of God’s holiness. There is not only a speculatively judging that God is gracious, but a sense how amiable God is upon that account, or a sense of the beauty of this divine attribute.…Thus there is a difference between having an opinion, that God is holy and gracious, and having a sense of the loveliness and beauty of that holiness and grace. There is a difference between having a rational judgment that honey is sweet, and having a sense of its sweetness. A man may have the former, that knows not how honey tastes; but a man cannot have the latter unless he has an idea of the taste of honey in his mind.…The former rests only in the head, speculation only is concerned in it; but the heart is concerned in the latter. When the heart is sensible of the beauty and amiableness of a thing, it necessarily feels pleasure in the apprehension. It is implied in a person’s being heartily sensible of the loveliness of a thing, that the idea of it is sweet and pleasant to his soul; which is a far different thing from having a rational opinion that it is excellent.

There arises from this sense of divine excellency of things contained in the word of God, a conviction of the truth and reality of them; and that either directly or indirectly.

First, Indirectly, and that two ways.

…The mind of man is naturally full of prejudices against the truth of divine things: it is full of enmity against the doctrines of the gospel; which is a disadvantage to those arguments that prove their truth, and causes them to lose their force upon the mind. But when a person has discovered to him the divine excellency of Christian doctrines, this destroys the enmity, removes those prejudices, and sanctifies the reason, and causes it to lie open to the force of arguments for their truth….
It not only removes the hinderances of reason, but positively helps reason.…It engages the attention of the mind, with the fixedness and intenseness to that kind of objects; which causes it to have a clearer view of them, and enables it more clearly to see their mutual relations, and occasions it to take more notice of them.

Secondly, A true sense of the divine excellency of the things of God’s word doth more directly and immediately convince of the truth of them; and that because the excellency of these things is so superlative. There is a beauty in them that is so divine and godlike, that is greatly and evidently distinguishing of them from things merely human, or that men are the inventors and authors of; a glory that is so high and great, that when clearly seen, commands assent to their divinity and reality.…

Such a conviction of the truth of religion as this, arising, these ways, from a sense of the divine excellency of them, is that true spiritual conviction that there is in saving faith. And this original of it, is that by which it is most essentially distinguished from that common assent, which unregenerate men are capable of.

II. I proceed now to the second thing proposed, viz., to show how this light is immediately given by God, and not obtained by natural means. And here,

It is not intended that the natural faculties are not made use of in it. The natural faculties are the subject of this light: and they are the subject in such a manner, that they are not merely passive, but active in it; the acts and exercises of man’s understanding are concerned and made use of in it. God, in letting in this light into the soul, deals with man according to his nature, or as a rational creature; and makes use of his human faculties. But yet this light is not the less immediately from God for that; though the faculties are made use of, it is as the subject and not as the cause; and that acting of the faculties in it, is not the cause, but is either implied in the thing itself (in the light that is imparted) or is the consequence of it. As the use that we make of our eyes in beholding various objects, when the sun arises, is not the cause of the light that discovers those objects to us.
. . .
When it is said that this light is given immediately by God, and not obtained by natural means, hereby is intended, that it is given by God without making use of any means that operate by their own power. . . but it is not as mediate causes to produce this effect. There are not truly any second causes of it; but it is produced by God immediately. The word of God is no proper cause of this effect: it does not operate by any natural force in it. The word of God is only made use of to convey to the mind the subject matter of this saving instruction: and this indeed it doth convey to us by natural force or influence. It conveys to our minds these and those doctrines; it is the cause of the notion of them in our heads, but not of the sense of the divine excellency of them in our hearts.

I come now, III. To show the truth of the doctrine; that is, to show that there is such a thing as that spiritual light that has been described, thus immediately let into the mind by God. And here I would show briefly, that this doctrine is both scriptural and rational.

First, It is scriptural.…We are there abundantly taught, that the saints differ from the ungodly in this, that they have the knowledge of God, and a sight of God, and of Jesus Christ.…This knowledge, or sight of God and Christ, cannot be a mere speculative knowledge; because it is spoken of as a seeing and knowing, wherein they differ from the ungodly.…And this light and knowledge is always spoken of as immediately given of God… the arbitrary operation, and gift of God, bestowing this knowledge on whom he will, and distinguishing those with it, that have the least natural advantage or means for knowledge, even babes, when it is denied to the wise and prudent.

Secondly, This doctrine is rational.

It is rational to suppose, that there is really such an excellency in divine things, that is so transcendent and exceedingly different from what is in other things, that, if it were seen, would most evidently distinguish them. We cannot rationally doubt but that things that are divine, that appertain to the Supreme Being, are vastly different from things that are human.…Unless we would argue, that God is not remarkably distinguished in glory from men.…

If there be such a distinguishing excellency in divine things; it is rational to suppose that there may be such a thing as seeing it. What should hinder but that it may be seen? It is no argument, that there is no such thing as such a distinguishing excellency, or that, if there be, that it cannot be seen, that some do not see it, though they may be discerning men in temporal matters.…It is not rational to suppose, that those whose minds are full of spiritual pollution, and under the power of filthy lusts, should have any relish or sense of divine beauty or excellency; or that their minds should be susceptive of that light that is in its own nature so pure and heavenly.…

It is rational to suppose, that this knowledge should be given immediately by God, and not be obtained by natural means.…It is rational to suppose that God would reserve that knowledge and wisdom, that is of such a divine and excellent nature, to be bestowed immediately by himself, and that it should not be left in the power of second causes. Spiritual wisdom and grace is that highest and most excellent gift that ever God bestows on any creature: in this the highest excellency and perfection of a rational creature consists. It is also immensely the most important of all divine gifts: it is that wherein man’s happiness consists, and on which his everlasting welfare depends. How rational is it to suppose that God, however he has left meaner goods and lower gifts to second causes, and in some sort in their power, yet should reserve this most excellent, divine, and important of all divine communications, in his own hands, to be bestowed immediately by himself, as a thing too great for second causes to be concerned in!…

I will conclude with a very brief improvement of what has been said.

First, This doctrine may lead us to reflect on the goodness of God, that has so ordered it, that a saving evidence of the truth of the gospel is such, as is attainable by persons of mean capacities and advantages, as well as those that are of the greatest parts and learning.…Persons with but an ordinary degree of knowledge, are capable, without a long and subtle train of reasoning, to see the divine excellency of the things of religion: they are capable of being taught by the Spirit of God, as well as learned men.…

Secondly, This doctrine may well put us upon examining ourselves, whether we have ever had this divine light… let into our souls. If there be such a thing indeed, and it be not only a notion or whimsy of persons of weak and distempered brains, then doubtless it is a thing of great importance, whether we have thus been taught by the Spirit of God.…

Thirdly, All may hence be exhorted earnestly to seek this spiritual light. To influence and move to it, the following things may be considered.

This is the most excellent and divine wisdom that any creature is capable of. It is more excellent than any human learning; it is far more excellent than all the knowledge of the greatest philosophers or statesmen.…

This knowledge is that which is above all others sweet and joyful. Men have a great deal of pleasure in human knowledge, in studies of natural things; but this is nothing to that joy which arises from this divine light shining into the soul.…There is nothing so powerful as this to support persons in affliction, and to give the mind peace and brightness in this stormy and dark world.

This light is such as effectually influences the inclination, and changes the nature of the soul.…This light, and this only, will bring the soul to a saving close with Christ. It conforms the heart to the gospel, mortifies its enmity and opposition against the scheme of salvation therein revealed: it causes the heart to embrace the joyful tidings, and entirely to adhere to, and acquiesce in the revelation of Christ as our Savior: it causes the whole soul to accord and symphonize with it, admitting it with entire credit and respect, cleaving to it with full inclination and affection; and it effectually disposes the soul to give up itself entirely to Christ.

This light, and this only, has its fruit in a universal holiness of life. No merely notional or speculative understanding of the doctrines of religion will ever bring to this. But this light, as it reaches the bottom of the heart, and changes the nature, so it will effectually dispose to a universal obedience. It shows God’s worthiness to be obeyed and served. It draws forth the heart in a sincere love to God, which is the only principle of a true, gracious, and universal obedience; and it convinces of the reality of those glorious rewards that God has promised to them that obey him.

Soon after the settlement of Maryland in the 17C, British ships with Africans for sale as slaves began to appear in the Chesapeake. The Atlantic Ocean route between Africa & the Americas was called the Middle Passage. Planters looking for a cheap labor force were interested in using Africans as forced laborers on their tobacco plantations. For example, Governor Leonard Calvert negotiated with a ship captain as early as 1642 for the purchase of thirteen Africans to work on his St. Mary's property. Africans were in rising demand by the colonists & British merchants continued to bring them in large numbers. Between 1675 & 1695 about 3,000 Africans entered the Chesapeake region to be put to work mostly on the tobacco plantations of Maryland & Virginia.

In the seventeenth century, British ships with Africans for sale as slaves began to appear in the Chesapeake. The Atlantic Ocean route between Africa & the Americas was called the Middle Passage. Planters looking for a cheap labor force were interested in using Africans as forced laborers on their tobacco plantations. For example, Governor Leonard Calvert negotiated with a ship captain as early as 1642 for the purchase of 13 Africans to work on his St. Mary's property. Africans were in rising demand by the colonists & British merchants continued to bring them in large numbers. Between 1675 & 1695 about 3,000 Africans entered the Chesapeake region to be put to work mostly on the tobacco plantations of Maryland & Virginia.

By the 18C, Maryland was beginning to get a new generation of Africans, born in America, who did not know their parents' African homeland first hand. In Tobacco & Slaves (1998) Allan Kulikoff uses records of several Maryland plantations to show the gradual changes in the fertility of the enslaved population. On the Edmond Jennings plantation in 1712 almost all the workers were Africans. By 1730, nine out of ten black men & almost all of the black women working on the Robert Carter Virginia estates were born in Africa, but beginning in the 1730s the enslaved population began to grow naturally & was composed of both Africans & African Americans. In a few generations Africa became simply a distant land to most of the Chesapeake's African Americans.

During the Revolutionary war around 1780, Maryland was in serious need of soldiers causing them to allow “any able-bodied slave between 16 & 40 years of age, who voluntarily enters into service… with the consent & agreement of his master, may be accepted as a recruit.” Maryland Legislature passed a law that required slaveholders with six or more slaves between the ages of 15 & 45 to enlist a slave in the slave regiment.

In 1780, slaves also began to participate in the expansion of the major port city of Baltimore. They took on the roles of craftspeople, sailors, carters, day laborers, domestics, & washerwomen. The majority of Maryland’s urbanslave population practiced Methodism.  By 1783 enslaved people made up one third of the state of Maryland’s population. The only state that had a higher percentage of enslaved people was Virginia.

The distribution of slaves was uneven within the state. The shore of the Chesapeake Bay had the black majorities due to the tobacco growing counties that were there. On the Eastern shore, slaves accounted for a quarter to a third of the population. In the counties bordering on Pennsylvania, slaves made up only 10 to 15% of the overall population. As tobacco profits decreased statewide, Maryland disallowed slaves from other areas into the state in 1783.

From The Library Company of Philadelphia

African American men & women used the act of running away as part of a broader system of resisting the physical and psychological manipulation of slavery. In most instances, slaves left plantations or work sites without permission but with the intention of returning in order to visit relatives or friends on nearby plantations, or to protest a harsh punishment. At other times, though, runaways attempted to escape slavery permanently. Those who ran hoping never to return understood that they risked their lives. Fugitive slaves plagued slaveholders from the first years of slavery in Maryland until its last days.

Although laws requiring slavery for black women and their descendents did not appear until the Assembly's 1664 session enacted "An act concerning Negroes and other slaves," Maryland's first lawmakers did recognize that some people were made to work against their will and that such people frequently ran away. Along with the earliest legal references to slavery in Maryland, therefore, were attempts to control runaway servants and slaves through legislation.

If the American Revolution (1776-83) had an immediate impact on slave escapes it could only be found in the greater opportunities to escape created by the chaos of war. Revolutionary-era newspapers contained many notices for runaways. Although they spoke of "liberty," few slaveholding Maryland patriots saw any contradiction in denying it to their slaves. Indeed, John Hanson, the Marylander who served as president of the Continental Congress, spent much of the last years of the war pursuing Ned Barnes, an enslaved man who had fled Hanson's plantation.

A variety of factors moved fugitive slaves to attempt a permanent break: persistent brutality by an owner or overseer, relocation away from immediate family or relatives, a reduction in privileges such the ability of hired slaves to keep small portions of fees, a worsening of work conditions, and numerous other individual concerns. After 1800 the most common motivation was probably the threat of sale to the Deep South. Many blacks risked flight rather undergo the perils of the domestic slave trade.

Most runaways were young men fleeing alone. Young women without children ran more often than those with children. The months of April through October saw the most escape attempts, but no single week of the year emboldened more runaways than the days between Christmas Eve and New Year's Day because owners were distracted and supervision was relaxed. Though some made clandestine use of railway and water vessels, most runaways fled on foot. While at large and on the move, runaways stayed close to roads, rivers, and other normal routes, and traveled mainly at night. Many made use of family and friends on nearby plantations, or in towns and cities. Fugitives also generally helped themselves to provisions (food, clothing, sometimes money) before leaving, but when these ran out, they foraged in the woods, relied on the kindness of people encountered along the way, and even pilfered barns and storehouses to survive. Many fugitives even found short-term employment from whomever might be willing to hire a person of undetermined status with no questions asked.

Maryland fugitives generally tried to reach urban environments (Washington, DC, Frederick, Baltimore, Philadelphia) where they might disappear into free black populations. As northern states abolished slavery during the early 1800s, however, Maryland runaways and others sought to reach free territory.

The National Park Service's Underground Railroad Theme Study (1998) estimated the number of successful escapes for the nation for the years 1790-1860 at 100,000, or about 1,500 per year.

From David Taft Terry .

In the half-century century leading up to the American Revolution, tobacco exports from the Chesapeake tripled, marking an important evolution in Maryland's agriculture. Tobacco prices, which in the unstable market economy of seventeenth-century agriculture had fluctuated wildly, became relatively stable, & tobacco reigned supreme. In 1723, Britain dropped its re-export fees on tobacco, & France opened its market to Chesapeake-grown leaf, through the hands of British brokers. Though tobacco prices declined slowly & steadily, the result was relative stability. Profit from growing tobacco came from lowering costs rather than from rising prices.

Maryland's population during this same half-century also tripled, & presumably many newly arrived families entered the staple-crop business. More importantly, the slave population tripled, & virtually all of those hands went to tending this labor-intensive commodity. According to one estimate, a single worker could manage two & a half acres (roughly 6,800 plants), & produce 2,500 pounds of leaf.

Tobacco plants were so labor intensive because each plant needed close tending, first to keep down moisture-robbing weeds, then to pick off insects & pinch back smaller top leaves so that a few grew large. From seedbed preparation, to transplanting seedlings into hoed-up mounds, through the daily routine of picking & pinching, to cutting the mature plants, splitting their stalks & hanging them on poles in a barn to dry, no other crop required so much attention. Although a planter could employ his entire family in this work, & perhaps afford a white servant too, slaves provided a labor source that was more readily exploitable. As the 18C progressed, slave-owning expanded & became entrenched, particularly among planters of modest means in southern Maryland & on the Eastern Shore, who borrowed money from tobacco agents to buy a slave or two, who then represented the most valuable assets of the owners' estates. By the first U.S. Census in 1790, slaves numbered over one hundred thousand, making up about a third of Maryland's population, & most of the labor force in the tobacco economy.

Most Maryland farmers, however, did not own slaves, even if they aspired to do so one day. Some farmers were too old, some too young, & some too unlucky to reach a position where they could undertake the economic gamble slaves represented. Still others, like the Quakers who moved from Pennsylvania to the Eastern Shore, rejected slavery on moral grounds. But for the German & Scots-Irish farmers who came to the Monocacy Valley in the 1740s, slave labor simply did not meet the most pressing need. Plowing & harrowing fields for small grains, growing & hackling flax, pruning orchard trees, making brandy, & keeping livestock fat & healthy enough to sell required more skill than the extensive menial labor slaves typically performed. And, as the countryside became more settled, problems with growing things grew more challenging.

Increasing settlements meant that more land was occupied, reducing the amount of new land available for tobacco. Increased populations also meant that people, farms, crops, & livestock were closer together, making it easier for diseases to spread among animals & crops.

Sometime shortly before or during the American Revolution, wheat growers in Maryland began to experience the same fungal disease that had wiped out that crop in New England earlier-stem rust. Puccinia graminis can live on the barberry, a dense, spiny hedge, during the winter. The fungus spread its spores to wheat fields in summer, shriveling the kernels & turning the straw a rusty brown. Hard winters retarded the disease, but when a damp spring turned hot & dry after a mild winter, stem rust spread easily & could cause almost total crop loss.

Farmers knew that the barberry was implicated, but it was so common there was little chance of eliminating it. If they planted crops later to escape the disease, farmers ran the risk of insect damage from the highly destructive gall midge, Mayetiola destructor, that went by the more popular name "Hessian fly." Just as wheat plants ripened, the midge's larvae ate through the straw, causing the berry head, the part of the plant where the wheat itself grows, to fall off. Some believed this insect arrived in the bedding of Hessian soldiers, but whether it did or not, it coincided with stem rust to make growing wheat increasingly troublesome.

Horse glanders, an infectious & contagious respiratory disease; cattle fever, spread by ticks; & gapes, a worm affliction of poultry, all seem to have appeared in Maryland about the time of the Revolution. Glanders had been known in Europe since Roman times, & may have arrived with British cavalry mounts, as American observers claimed. Cattle fever originated from a protozoan, Babesia bigemia, that first infected ticks in the lower South, & then fed upon the blood of tick-infested cattle. Over time, cattle in the lower South developed resistance to the protozoan, but when drovers moved livestock from Georgia & the Carolinas up the Piedmont trails to supply Washington's army, the ticks spread the fever to susceptible animals.

Gapes existed worldwide from various nematodes whose larvae first took up residence in earthworms, snails, slugs & flies but ended up in the trachea of poultry. As Andrew Wiesenthal described it around Baltimore in 1799, "gaps" destroyed 80 percent of local chickens & turkeys on old established farms. As a professor of anatomy, he noted how the birds strangled, & used a feather to extract the worms from a chick's throat, but mentioned that no remedy existed.

In the 18C, crop epidemics & livestock epizootics, or widespread diseases, emerged for the first time in Maryland, not just from the responsible pathogens appearing for the first time but because farmers had created an agricultural landscape significant enough to be vulnerable to contagious diseases. As the state's population increased from over 300,000 in 1790, to more than 400,000 in 1820.

Written by G. Terry Sharrer 

Poor old England endeavoring to reclaim his wicked American children. British political cartoon shows England as a elderly man leaning on a crutch, trying to pull the American colonists by the nose. Below the image is a Shakespeare quote from Henry VI, Part 2, attributed to Shakespeare, "And therefore is England maimed & forc'd to go with a staff."  Pub. by Matthew Darly (British, ca. 1720–80) Strand, 1777 April. London.

No single event caused the American Revolution. A series of events that led to the war. Essentially, it all began as a disagreement over the way Great Britain treated the men & women in the British American colonies on the Atlantic Coast of North America and the way the colonists felt they should be treated. Americans felt they deserved all the rights of British citizens. The British, on the other hand, felt that the colonies were created to be used in the way that best suited the Crown and Parliament. This conflict is embodied in one of the rallying cries of the ​American Revolution: No Taxation Without Representation.  If the homeland British could not agree with their North Atlantic colonists, only about one-third of those colonists supported a rebellion. One-third of the population supported Great Britain, and the other third were neutral.


Even though the British believed in mercantilism, Prime Minister Robert Walpole espoused a view of "salutary neglect." This system was in place from 1607 through 1763, during which the British were lax on enforcement of external trade relations. He believed this enhanced freedom would stimulate commerce.  The French & Indian War led to considerable economic trouble for the British government. Its cost was significant and they were determined to make up for the lack of funds. Naturally, they turned to new taxes on the colonists and increased trade regulations. This did not go over well.  New taxes were enforced, including the Sugar Act and the Currency Act, both in 1764. The Sugar Act increased already considerable taxes on molasses and restricted certain export goods to Britain alone. The Currency Act prohibited the printing of money in the colonies, making businesses rely more on the crippled British economy. Feeling underrepresented, overtaxed, and unable to engage in free trade, the colonists turned to the phrase, "No Taxation Without Representation."

The Revenue Act of 1764, also called The Sugar Act & The American Duties Act, was the first tax intended to be enforced on the British American colonies imposed by the British Parliament. Its purpose was to raise revenue through the colonial customs service & to give customs agents more power a& latitude with respect to executing seizures & enforcing customs law dictated by mother England. That the Act came from an external body rather than a colonial legislature alarmed a handful of colonial leaders in Boston who held that the Act violated their “British privileges.” Their principle complaint was against taxation without representation. Just as important, however, were the Act’s profound implications for the colonial judicial system, for the The Revenue Act of 1764, also called The Sugar Act & The American Duties Act, allowed British officers to try colonists who violated the new duties at a new Vice-Admiralty court in Halifax, Nova Scotia, thus depriving the colonists of their right to trial by a jury of their peers in the colonies.
Karl Anton Hickel (1745-1798) House of Commons
The Revenue Act of 1764, also called The Sugar Act & The American Duties Act, primarily focused on the manufacture of rum which was a highly lucrative product. Rum is made from molasses, a by-product of sugar production. Some sugarcane was grown on sugar plantations in the British American  colonies; but the majority was imported from the West Indies. The background to the Sugar Act dates to one of the series of Navigation Acts. The Navigation Act of 1733, also known as the Molasses Act, levied heavy taxes on sugar from the West Indies to the American colonies in an attempt to force colonists to purchase the more costly sugar from Britain. The Molasses Act of 1733 was never fully enforced because of the British policy of Salutary Neglect, which basically allowed British officials to turn a "blind eye" to trade violations.
William Clark, Cutting the Sugar Cane, Ten Views of Antigua 1823

The establishment of the 13 Colonies, with their surplus of raw materials, made it possible for Great Britain to engage in highly lucrative trading via the Triangular Trade routes across the Atlantic. Sugarcane plantations required cheap labor - slaves. Ships from England traded goods for slaves in Africa. The ships then took the slaves to the sugar plantations in the West Indies. The West Indies sent molasses to the British American colonies which used the molasses to manufacture rum.
William Clark, Shipping the Sugar, from Ten Views of Antigua 1823

The effects of The Revenue Act of 1764, also called The Sugar Act & The American Duties Act, on the British American colonists were the economic impact as well as the constitutional issue of taxation without representation. The English policy of Salutary Neglect that was in effect from 1607-1763 encouraged the colonists to violate the law by bribing customs officials and smuggling. The colonists were undergoing a period of financial difficulties and their resentment was due to both the economic impact of the Sugar Act as well as the constitutional issue of taxation without representation.
William Clark, Exterior of a Distillery, from Ten Views of Antigua 1823


An act for granting certain duties in the British colonies and plantations in America,; for continuing, amending, and making perpetual, an act passed in the sixth year of the reign of his late majesty King George the Second, (initituled, An act for the better securing and encouraging the trade of his Majesty’s sugar colonies in America;) for applying the produce of such duties, and of the duties to arise by virtue of the said act, towards defraying the expences of defending, protecting, and securing the said colonies and plantations; for explaining an act made in the twenty fifth year of the reign of King Charles the Second, (intituled, An act for the encouragement of the Greenland and Eastland trades, and for the better securing the plantation trade;) and for altering and disallowing several drawbacks on exports from this kingdom, and more effectually preventing the clandestine conveyance of goods to and from the said colonies and plantation, and improving and securing the trade between the same and Great Britain.

Whereas it is expedient that new provisions and regulations should be established for improving the revenue of this kingdom, and for extending and securing the navigation and commerce between Great Britain and your Majesty’s dominions in America, which, by the peace, have been so happily enlarged: and whereas it is just and necessary, that a revenue be raised, in your Majesty’s said dominions in America, for defraying the expences of defending, protecting, and securing the same; we, your Majesty’s most dutiful and loyal subjects, the commons of Great Britain, in parliament assembled, being desirous to make some provision, in this present session of parliament, towards raising the said revenue in America, have resolved to give and grant unto your Majesty the several rates and duties herein after-mentioned; and do most humbly beseech your Majesty that it may be enacted; and be it enacted by the King’s most excellent majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the lords spiritual and temporal, and commons, in this present parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, That from and after the twenty ninth day of September, one thousand seven hundred and sixty four, there shall be raised, levied, collected, and paid, unto his Majesty, his heirs and successors, for and upon all white or clayed sugars of the produce or manufacture of any colony or plantation in America, not under the dominion of his Majesty, his heirs and successors; for and upon indigo, and coffee of foreign produce or manufacture; for and upon wines (except French wine;) for and upon all wrought silks, bengals, and stuffs, mixed with silk or herbs of the manufacture of Persia, China, or East India, and all callico painted, dyed, printed, or stained there; and for and upon all foreign linen cloth called Cambrick and French Lawns, which shall be imported or brought into any colony or plantation in America, which now is, or hereafter may be, under the dominion of his Majesty, his heirs and successors, the several rates and duties following; that is to say,

For every hundred weight avoirdupois of such foreign white or clayed sugars, one pound two shillings, over and above all other duties imposed by any former act of parliament.

For every pound weight avoirdupois of such foreign indigo, six pence.

For every hundred weight avoirdupois of such foreign coffee, which shall be imported from any place, except Great Britain, two pounds, nineteen shillings, and nine pence.

For every ton of wine of the growth of the Madeiras, or of any other island or place from whence such wine may be lawfully imported, and which shall be so imported from such islands or place, the sum of seven pounds

For every ton of Portugal, Spanish, or any other wine (except French wine) imported from Great Britain, the sum of ten shillings.

For every pound weight avoirdupois of wrought silks, bengals, and stuffs, mixed silk or herbs, of the manufacture of Persia, China, or East India, imported from Great Britain, two shillings.

For every piece of callico painted, dyed, printed, or stained, in Persia, China, or East India, imported from Great Britain, two shillings and six pence.

For every piece of foreign linen cloth, called Cambrick, imported from Great Britain, three shillings.

For every piece of French lawn imported from Great Britain, three shillings.

And after those rates for any greater or lesser quantity of such goods respectively.

II. And it is hereby further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That from and after the said twenty ninth day of September, one thousand seven hundred and sixty four, there shall also be raised, levied, collected, and paid, unto his Majesty, his heirs and successors, for and upon all coffee and pimento of the growth and produce of any British colony or plantation in America, which shall be there laden on board any British ship or vessel, to be carried out from thence to any other place whatsoever, except Great Britain, the several rates and duties following; that is to say,

III. For every hundred weight avoirdupois of such British coffee, seven shillings.
For every pound weight avoirdupois of such British pimento, one halfpenny.
And after those rates for any greater or lesser quantity of such goods respectively.

IV. And whereas an act was made in the sixth year of the reign of his late majesty King George the Second, intituled, An act for the better securing and encouraging the trade of his Majesty’s sugar colonies in America, which was to continue in force for five years, to be computed from the twenty fourth day of June, one thousand seven hundred and thirty three, and to the end of the then next session of parliament, and which, by several subsequent acts made in the eleventh, the nineteenth, the twenty sixth, and twenty ninth, and the thirty first years of the reign of his said late Majesty, was, from time to time, continued; and, by an act made in the first year of the reign of his present Majesty, was further continued until the end of this present session of parliament; and although the said act hath been found in some degree useful, yet it is highly expedient that the same should be altered, enforced, and made more effectual; but, in consideration of the great distance of several of the said colonies and plantations from this kingdom, it will be proper further to continue the said act for a short space, before any alterations and amendments shall take effect, in order that all persons concerned may have due and proper notice thereof; be it therefore enacted by the authority aforesaid, That the said act made in the sixth year of the reign of his late majesty King George the Second, intituled, An act for the better securing and encouraging the trade of his Majesty’s sugar colonies in America, shall be, and the same is hereby further continued, until the thirtieth day of September, one thousand seven hundred and sixty four.

V. And it be further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That from the twenty ninth day of September, one thousand seven hundred and sixty four, the said act, subject to such alterations and amendments as are herein after contained, shall be, and the same is hereby made perpetual.

VI. And it be further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That in lieu and instead of the rate and duty imposed by the said act upon molasses and syrups, there shall, from and after the said twenty ninth day of September, one thousand seven hundred and sixty four, be raised, levied, collected, and paid, unto his Majesty, his heirs and successors, for and upon every gallon of molasses or syrups, being the growth, product, or manufacture, of any colony or plantation in America, not under the dominion of his Majesty, his heir or successors, which shall be imported or brought into any colony or plantation in America, which now is, or hereafter may be, under the dominion of his Majesty, his heirs or successors, the sum of three pence.

VII. And it be hereby further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That the said rates and duties hereby charged upon such foreign white or clayed sugars, foreign indigo, foreign coffee, wines, wrought silks, bengals, and stuffs, mixed with silk or herbs, callico, cambricks, French lawns, and foreign molasses or syrups, imported into any British American colony or plantation shall be raised, levied, collected, and paid, in the same manner and form, and by such rules, ways and means, and under such penalties and forfeitures (not otherwise altered by this act) as are mentioned and expressed in the said act of parliament, made in the sixth year of the reign of his late majesty King George the Second, with respect to the raising, levying, collecting, and payment, of the rates and duties thereby granted; and that the aforesaid duties hereby charged upon British coffee and pimento, exported from any British colony or plantation, shall be raised, levied, collected, and paid, in the same manner and form, and forfeitures, as are mentioned and referred unto in an act of parliament, made in the twenty fifth year of the reign of King Charles the Second, intituled, An act for the encouragement of the Greenland and Eastland trades, and for the better securing the plantation trade, with respect to the raising, levying, collecting, and payment of the rates and duties thereby granted upon the several goods therein particularly enumerated: and that all powers, penalties, provisions, articles, and clauses, in those acts respectively contained and referred unto (except in such cases where any alteration is made by this act) shall be observed, applied, practised, and put in execution, for the raising, levying, collecting, and answering, the respective rates and duties granted by this act, as fully and effectually, as if the same were particularly and at large re-enacted in the body of this present act, and applied to the rates and duties hereby imposed; and as fully and effectually, to all intents and purposes, as the same could have been at any time put in execution, for the like purposes, with respect to the rates and duties granted by the said former acts.

VIII. Provided always, and it is hereby further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That if the importer of any wines shall refuse to pay the duties hereby imposed thereon, it shall and may be lawful for the collector, or other proper officer of the customs where such wines shall be imported, and he is hereby respectively required to take and secure the same, with the casks or other package thereof, and to cause the same to be publickly sold, within the space of twenty days at the most after such refusal made, and at such time and place as such officer, shall, by four or more days publick notice, appoint for that purpose; which wine shall be sold to the best bidder, and the money arising by the said duties, together with the charges that shall have been occasioned by the said sale; and the overplus, if any, shall be paid to such importer, or any other person authorized to receive the same.

IX. Provided also, That if the money offered for the purchase of such wine shall not be sufficient to discharge the duty and charges aforesaid, then, and in every such case, the collector, or other proper officer, shall cause the wine to be staved, split, or otherwise destroyed, and shall return the casks or other package wherein the same was contained to such importer.

X. And it is hereby declared and enacted, That every piece of callico intended to be charged with the duty herein beforementioned, if of the breadth of one yard and a quarter or under, shall not exceed in length ten yards; and if above that breadth, shall not exceed six yards in length, and that every piece of cambrick and French lawn shall contain thirteen ells each, and shall pay duty for the same in those proportions for any greater or lesser quantity, according to the sum herein before charged upon each piece of such goods respectively.

XI. And it is hereby further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That all the monies which, from and after the twenty ninth day of September, one thousand seven hundred and sixty four shall arise by the several rates and duties herein before granted; and also by the duties which, from and after the said twenty ninth day of September, one thousand seven hundred and sixty four, shall be raised upon sugars and paneles, by virtue of the said act made in the sixth year of the reign of his said late majesty King George the Second (except the necessary charges of raising, collecting, levying, recovering, answering, paying, and accounting for the same) shall be paid into the receipt of his Majesty’s Exchequer, and shall be entered separate and apart from all other monies paid or payable to his Majesty, his heirs or successors: and shall be there reserved, to be, from time to time, disposed of by parliament, towards defraying the necessary expences of defending, protecting, and securing, the British colonies and plantations in America,

XII. And it is hereby further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That from and after the tenth day of September, one thousand seven hundred and sixty four, upon the exportation of any sort of wine (except French wines) from this kingdom to any British colony or plantation in America, as merchandize, the exporter shall be paid, in lieu of all former drawbacks, a drawback or allowance of all the duties paid upon the importation of such wine, except the sum of three pounds ten shillings per ton, part of the additional duty of four pounds per ton, granted by an act made in the last session of parliament (intituled, An act for granting to his Majesty several additional duties upon wines imported into this kingdom, and certain duties upon all cyder and perry, and for raising the sum of three millions five hundred thousand pounds, by way of annuities and lotteries, to be charged on the said duties) and also except such part of the duties paid upon wines imported by strangers or aliens, or in foreign ships, as exceeds what would have been payable upon such wines, if the same had been imported by British subjects and in British ships; any law, custom, or usage, to the contrary notwithstanding; which drawback or allowance shall be made in such manner, and under such rules, regulations, penalties, and forfeitures, in all respects, as any former drawback or allowance, payable out of the duties of customs upon the exportation of such wine, was, could, or might be made, before the passing of this act.

XIII. Provided always, and it is hereby further enacted, That upon the entry of any such wine for exportation to any British colony or plantation in America, and before any debenture shall be made out for allowing the drawback thereon, the exporter shall give bond, with sufficient security, to his Majesty, his heirs and successors, to be approved of by the collector, or other principal officer of the customs at the port of exportation, in treble the amount of the drawback payable for the goods, that the same, and every part thereof, shall (the danger of the seas and enemies excepted) be really and truly exported to, and landed in, some British colony or plantation in America, and that the same shall not be exported, or carried to any other place or country whatsoever, nor relanded in any part of Great Britain, Ireland, or the islands of Guernsey, Jersey, Alderney, Sark, or Man or either of them: and such bonds shall not be delivered up nor discharged, until a certificate shall be produced, under the hands and seals of the collector or other principal officer of the customs at the port or place where such goods shall be landed, testifying the landing thereof: and the condition of such bond shall be, to produce such certificate in eighteen months from the date of the bonds (the dangers of the seas and enemies excepted.) And it is hereby further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That from and after the first day of May, one thousand seven hundred and sixty four, no part of the rate or duty, commonly called The old subsidy, shall be repaid or drawn back for any foreign goods of the growth, production, or manufacture, of Europe, or the East Indies, which shall be exported from this kingdom to any British colony or plantation in America (wines, white callicoes, and muslins, only excepted;) any law, custom, or usage, to the contrary notwithstanding.

XIV. And it is hereby further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That from and after the tenth day of September, one thousand seven hundred and sixty four, upon the exportation of any sort of white callicoes or muslins, except as herein after is mentioned, from this kingdom to any British colony or plantation in America, besides the one half of the rate or duty commonly called The old subsidy, which now remains, and is not drawn back for the same, there also shall not be repaid or drawn back the further sum of four pounds fifteen shillings for every hundred pounds of the true and real value of such goods, according to the gross price at which they were sold at the sale of the united company of merchants trading to the East Indies, being the third part of the net duties granted thereon respectively by two several acts of parliament, the one made in the eleventh and twelfth year of the reign of King William the Third, intituled, An act for the laying further duties upon wrought silks, muslins, and some other commodities of the East Indies, and for enlarging the time for purchasing certain reversionary annuities therein mentioned; and the other made in the third and fourth year of the reign of Queen Anne, intituled, An act for continuing duties upon low wines, and upon coffee, tea, chocolate, spice, and pictures, and upon hawkers, pedlars, and petty chapmen, and upon muslins; and for granting new duties upon several of the said commodities, and also upon callicoes, China-ware, and drugs; any law, custom, or usage to the contrary notwithstanding.

XV. Provided always, and be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That until the first day of March, one thousand seven hundred and sixty five, upon the exportation from this kingdom, to any British colony or plantation in America of white callicoes or muslins only as were sold on or before the twenty fifth day of March, one thousand seven hundred and sixty four, at the sale of the united company of merchants trading to the East Indies, such and the same drawbacks shall be allowed as are now payable upon the exportation of the said goods.

XVI. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That if any merchant or other person, shall from and after the said fifth day of May, one thousand seven hundred and sixty four, enter any goods for exportation to parts beyond the seas, in order to obtain any drawback not allowed by this act upon the exportation of such goods to the said British colonies or plantations in America, and the said goods shall nevertheless be carried to any British colony or plantation in America, and landed there contrary to the true intent and meaning hereof, that then, and in such case, the drawback shall be forfeited, and the exporter of such goods, and the master of the ship or vessel on board which the same were loaden and exported, shall forfeit double the amount of the drawback paid or to be paid for the same, and also treble the value of the said goods.

XVII. And it is further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That from and after the said first day of May, one thousand seven hundred and sixty four, if any goods, not allowed to draw back any part of the old subsidy, or any other duty by this act, shall be entered for exportation from this kingdom to any other place beyond the seas, except to some British colony or plantation in America, in every case where the exporter is required, by any law now in force, to swear that such goods are not landed or intended to be landed in Great Britain, Ireland, or the isle of Man, there shall also be added to and included in, the oath upon the debenture, for such goods, “any British colonies or plantations in America.”

XVIII. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That from and after the twenty ninth day of September, on thousand seven hundred and sixty four, no rum or spirits of the produce or manufacture of any of the colonies or plantations in America, not in the possession or under the dominion off his Majesty, his heirs or successors, shall be imported or brought into any of the colonies or plantations in America which now are, or hereafter may be, in the possession or under the dominion of his Majesty, his heirs or successors, upon forfeiture of all such rum or spirits, together with the ship or vessel in which the same shall be imported, with the tackle, apparel, and furniture thereof; to be seized by any officer or officers of his Majesty’s customs, and prosecuted in such manner and form as herein after is expressed; any law, custom, or usage, to the contrary notwithstanding.

XIX. And it is hereby further enacted and declare by the authority aforesaid, That from and after the twenty ninth day of September, one thousand seven hundred and sixty four, nothing in the before-recited act made in the fifth year of the reign of his late majesty King George the Second, or any other act of parliament, shall extend, or be construed to extend, to give liberty to any person or persons whatsoever to import into the kingdom of Ireland any sort of sugars, but such only as shall be fairly and bona fide loaden and shipped in Great Britain, and carried directly from thence in ships navigated according to law.

XX. And, for the better preventing frauds in the importation of foreign sugars and paneles, rum and spirits, molasses and syrups, into any of his Majesty’s dominions, under pretence that the same are the growth, produce, or manufacture, of the British colonies or plantations, it is further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That from and after the twenty ninth day of September, one thousand seven hundred and sixty four, every person or persons loading on board any ship or vessel, in any of the British colonies or plantations in America, any rum or spirits, sugars or paneles, molasses or syrups, as of the growth, product, or manufacture, of any British colony or plantation, shall, before the clearing out of the said ship or vessel, produce and deliver to the collector or other principal officer of the customs at the loading port, an affidavit signed and sword to before some justice of the peace in the said British colonies or plantation, either by the grower, maker, or shipper, of such goods, or his or their known agent or factor, expressing, in words at length and not in figure, the quality of the goods so shipped, with the number and denomination of the packages, and describing the name or names of the plantation or plantations, and the name of the colony where the same grew or were produced and manufactured; which affidavit shall be attested, under the hand of the said justice of the peace, to have been sworn to in his presence; who is hereby required to do the same without fee or reward: and the collector or other principal officer of the customs to whom such affidavit shall be delivered, shall thereupon grant to the master, or other person having the charge of the ship or vessel, a certificate under his hand and seal of office (without fee or reward) of his having received such affidavit pursuant to the directions of this act; which certificate shall express the quality of the goods shipped on board such ship or vessel, with the number and denomination of the packages: and such collector or other principal officer of the customs shall also (without fee or reward) within thirty days after the sailing of the ship or vessel, transmit an exact copy of the said affidavit to the secretary’s office for the respective colony or plantation where the goods were shipped, on forfeiture of five pounds.

XXI. And it is further enacted, That upon the arrival of such ship or vessel into the port of her discharge, either in Great Britain or any other port of his Majesty’s dominions, where such goods may be lawfully imported, the master or other person taking the charge of the ship or vessel shall, at the time he makes his report of his cargo, deliver the said certificate to the collector or other principal officer of the customs, and make oath before him, that the goods so reported are the same that are mentioned in the said certificate, on forfeiture of one hundred pounds; and if any rum or spirits, sugars or paneles, molasses or syrups, shall be imported or found on board any such ship or vessel, for which no such certificate shall be produced, or which shall not agree therewith, the same shall be deemed and taken to be foreign rum and spirits, sugar and paneles, molasses and syrups, and shall be liable to the same duties, restrictions, regulations, penalties, and forfeitures, in all respects, as rum, spirits, sugar, paneles, molasses, and syrups, of the growth, produce, or manufacture, of any foreign colony or plantation, would respectively be liable to by law.

XXII. Provided always, That if any rum of spirits, sugar or paneles, molasses or syrups, shall be imported into Great Britain from any British colony or plantation in America, without being included in such certificate as is herein before directed, and it shall be made to appear, to the satisfaction of the commissioners of his Majesty’s customs at London or Edinburgh respectively, that the goods are really and truly the produce of such British plantation or colony, and that no fraud was intended, it shall and may in such case be lawful for the said respective commissioners to permit the said goods to be entered, upon the payment of the like duties as such goods would be liable to if this law had not been made.

XXIII. And whereas by an act of parliament made in the twelfth year of the reign of King Charles the Second, intituled, An act for encouraging and increasing of shipping and navigation, and several subsequent acts of parliament which are now in force, it is amongst other things, directed, that for every ship or vessel that shall load any commodities, in those acts particularly enumerated, at any British plantation, being the growth, product, or manufacture thereof, bonds shall be given with one surety, to the value of one thousand pounds, if the ship be of less burthen than one hundred tons, and of the sum of two thousand pounds; if the ship be of greater burthen, that the same commodities shall be brought by such ship or vessel to some other British plantation, or to some port in Great Britain; notwithstanding which, there is great reason to apprehend such goods are frequently carried to foreign parts, and landed there: and whereas great quantities of foreign molasses and syrups are clandestinely run on shore in the British colonies, to the prejudice of the revenue, and the great detriment of the trade of this kingdom, and it’s American plantations: to remedy which practices for the future, be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That from and after the twenty ninth day of September, one thousand seven hundred and sixty four, bond and security, in the like penalty, shall also be given to the collector or other principal officer of the customs at any port or place in any of the British American colonies or plantations, with one surety besides the master of every ship or vessel that shall lade or take on board there any goods not particularly enumerated in the said acts, being the product or manufacture of any of the said colonies or plantations, with condition, that, in case any molasses or syrups, being the produce of any of the plantations, not under the dominions of his Majesty, his heirs or successors, shall be laden on board such ship or vessel, the same shall (the danger of the seas and enemies excepted) be brought, without fraud or wilful diminution, by the said ship or vessel to some of his Majesty’s colonies or plantations in America, or to some port in Great Britain; and that the master or other person having the charge of such ship or vessel, shall, immediately upon his arrival at every port or place in Great Britain, or in the British American colonies and plantations, make a just and true report of all the goods laden on board such ship or vessel under their true and proper denominations; and if any such non-enumerated goods shall be laden on board any such ship or vessel before such bond shall be given, the goods so laden together with the ship or vessel and her furniture shall be forfeited, and shall and may be seized by any officer of the customs, and prosecuted in the manner herein after directed.

XXIV. And it is hereby further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That every master or person having the charge of any ship or vessel shall, before he departs from any British colony or plantation where he receives his lading, take a certificate under the hands and seals of the collector or other principal officer of the customs there (which certificate such officers are hereby required to grant without fee or reward) that bond hath been given, pursuant to the directions of this or any other act of parliament, as the case shall require; and the master or person having the charge of such ship or vessel, shall keep such certificate in his custody till the voyage is compleated, and shall then deliver the same up to the collector or other chief officer of the customs at the port or place where he shall discharge his lading, either in Great Britain, or any British American colony or plantation, on forfeiture of one hundred pounds for each and every offence.

XXV. And it is hereby further enacted, That if any British ship or vessel laden, as aforesaid, with any goods of the produce or manufacture of any British colony or plantation in America, or having on board any molasses or syrups the produce of any foreign colony or plantation, shall be discovered by any officer of his Majesty’s customs within two leagues of the shore of any British colony or plantation in America, and the master or person taking charge of such ship or vessel shall not produce a certificate that bond has been given, pursuant to the direction of this or any other act of parliament, as the case may require; or if he shall not produce certificate to the collector or other chief officer of the customs where he shall arrive, either in Great Britain or any British American colony or plantation, such ship or vessel, with her tackle, apparel, and furniture, and all the goods therein laden, shall be forfeited, and shall and may be seized and prosecuted as herein after is directed.

XXVI. And it is hereby further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That the said bond directed to be given by this act with respect to such non-enumerated goods, shall continue in force for one year from and after the completion of the voyage; and in case no fraud shall appear within that time, it shall be lawful for the commissioners of his Majesty’s customs, or any four or more of them, to direct the said bond to be delivered up.

XXVII. And it is hereby enacted by the authority aforesaid, That from and after the twenty ninth day of September, one thousand seven hundred and sixty four, all coffee, pimento, cocoa nuts, whale fins, raw silks, hides and skins, pot and pearl ashes, of the growth, production, or manufacture, of any British colony or plantation in America, shall be imported directly from thence into this kingdom, or some other British colony or plantation, under the like securities, penalties, and forfeitures, as are particularly mentioned in two acts of parliament made in the twelfth and twenty fifth years of the reign of King Charles the Second, the former intituled, An act for the encouraging and increasing of shipping and navigation, and the latter intituled, An act for the encouragement of the Greenland and eastland trades and for the better securing the plantation trade, or either of them, with respect to the goods in those acts particularly enumerated; any law, custom, or usage, to the contrary notwithstanding.

XXVIII. And it is hereby further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That from and after the twenty ninth day of September, one thousand seven hundred and sixty four, no iron, nor any sort of wood, commonly called Lumber, as specified in an act passed in the eighth year of the reign of King George the First, intituled, An act for giving further encouragement of the importation of naval stores, and for other purposes therein mentioned, of the growth, production, or manufacture, of any British colony or plantation in America, shall be there loaden on board any ship of vessel to be carried from thence, until sufficient bond shall be given, with one surety besides the master of the vessel, to the collector or other principal officer of the customs at the loading port in a penalty of double the value of the goods, which condition, that the said goods shall not be landed in any part of Europe except Great Britain; which bonds shall be discharged in the manner hereafter mentioned; that is to say, for such of the said goods as shall be entered for, or landed in, Great Britain, the condition of the bonds shall be, to bring a certificate in discharge thereof within eighteen months from the date of the bond; and within eighteen months from the date of the bond; and within six months for such of the said goods as shall be entered for, or landed in, any of the British colonies or plantations in America; which respective certificates shall be under the hands and seals of the collector or other principal officer of the customs resident at the port or place where such goods shall be landed, testifying the landing thereof; and for such of the said goods as shall be entered for, or landed at, any other place in America, Africa, or Asia, to bring the like certificate within twelve months, under the common seal of the chief magistrate, or under the hands and seals of two known British merchants residing there; or such bond or bonds shall be discharged, in either of the said cases, by proof upon oath made by credible persons, that the said goods were taken by enemies, or perished in the seas.

XXIX. And, for the better preventing frauds in the importation or exportation of goods that are liable to the payment of duties, or are prohibited, in the British colonies or plantations in America, it is further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That from and after the twenty ninth day of September, one thousand seven hundred and sixty four, no goods, wares, or merchandizes, of any kind whatsoever, shall be shipped or laden on board any ship or vessel in any of the British colonies or plantations in America, to be carried from thence to any other British colony or plantation, without a sufferance or warrant first had and obtained from the collector or other proper officer of the customs at the port or place where such goods shall be intended to be put on board; and the master of every such ship or vessel shall, before the same be removed or carried out from the port or place where he takes in his lading, take out a cocket or cockets expressing the quantity and quality of the goods, and marks of the package, so laden, with the merchants names by whom shipped and to whom consigned; and if they are goods that liable to the payment of any duty, either upon the importation into, or upon the exportation from, the said colonies or plantation, the said cocket or cockets shall likewise distinctly specify that the duties have been paid for the same, referring to the times or dates of entry and payment of such duties, and by whom they were paid; which cocket or cockets shall be produced by the master of such ship or vessel, to the collector or other principal officer of the customs at the port of place where such ship or vessel shall arrive in any of the British colonies or plantations in America, before any part of the goods are unladen or put on shore: and if any goods or merchandizes shall be shipped as aforesaid without such sufferance, or the vessel shall depart and proceed on her voyage without such cocket or cockets are produced at the port of place of discharge, or if the goods do not agree in all respects therewith, the goods, in any of either of those cases, shall be forfeited and lost; and any office of his Majesty’s customs is hereby empowered to stop any such ship or vessel, bound aforesaid, which shall be discovered within two leagues of the shore of any of the said British colonies of plantations in America, and to seize and take from thence all the goods which shall be found on board such ship or vessel for which no such cocket or cockets shall be produced to him.

XXX. And whereas British vessels arriving from foreign parts at several of the out ports of this kingdom, fully or in part laden abroad with goods that are pretended to be destined to some foreign plantation, do frequently take on board some small parcels of goods in this kingdom which are entered outwards for some British colony or plantation, and a cocket and clearance thereupon granted for such goods, under cover of which the whole cargoes of such vessels are clandestinely landed in the British American dominions, contrary to several acts of parliament now in force, to the great prejudice of the trade and revenue of the kingdom; for remedy whereof, be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That from and after the first day of May, one thousand seven hundred and sixty four, no ship or vessel shall, upon any pretence whatsoever, be cleared outwards from any port of this kingdom, for any land, island, plantation, colony, territory, or place, to his Majesty belonging, or which shall hereafter belong unto or be in the possession or under the dominion of his Majesty, his heirs or successors, in America, unless the whole and entire cargo of such ship or vessel shall be bona fide, and without fraud, laden and shipped in this kingdom; and any officer of is Majesty’s customs is hereby empowered to stop any British ship or vessel arriving from any part of Europe, which shall be discovered within two leagues of the shore of any of the said British colonies or plantations in America, and to seize and take from thence, as forfeited, any goods (except as herein after mentioned) for which the master or other person taking the charge of such ship or vessel shall not produce a cocket or clearance from the collector or proper officer of his Majesty’s customs, certifying that the said goods were laden on board the said ship or vessel in some port of Great Britain.

XXXI. Provided always, That this act shall not extend, nor be construed to extend, to forfeit, for want of such cocket or clearance, any salt laden in Europe for the fisheries in New England, Newfoundland, Pennsylvania, New York, and Nova Scotia, or any other place to which salt is or shall be allowed by law to be carried; wines laden in the Madeiras, of the growth thereof; and wines of the growth of the Western Islands, or Azores, and laden there; nor any horses, victuals, or linen cloth, of and from Ireland, which may be laden on board such ships or vessels.

XXXII. And it is hereby further enacted, That if any person or persons shall counterfeit, raise, alter, or falsify, any affidavit, certificate, sufferance, cocket, or clearance, required or directed by this act, or shall knowingly or willingly make use of any affidavit, certificate, sufferance, cocket, or clearance, so counterfeited, raised, altered, or falsified, such person or persons shall knowingly or willingly , or every such offence, forfeit the sum of five hundred pounds; and such affidavit, certificate, sufferance, cocket, or clearance, shall be invalid and of no effect.

XXXIII. And whereas by an act of parliament, made in the ninth year of the reign of his late majesty King George the Second, intituled, An act for indemnifying persons who have been guilty of offences against the laws made for securing the revenue of customs and excise, and for enforcing those laws for the future, and by other acts of parliament since made, which are now in force, in order to prevent the clandestine landing of goods in this kingdom from vessels which hover upon the coasts thereof, several goods and vessels, in those laws particularly mentioned and described, are declared to be forfeited, if such vessels are found at anchor, or hovering within two leagues of the shore of this kingdom, without being compelled thereto by necessity or distress of weather; which laws have been found very beneficial to the publick revenue: and whereas, if some provision of that sort was extended to his Majesty’s American dominions, it may be a means of preventing an illicit trade therewith, and tend to enforce an act made in the twelfth year of the reign of King Charles the Second, intituled, An act for the encouraging and increasing of shipping and navigation, and another act made in the seventh and eighth years of the reign of King William the Third, intituled, An act for preventing frauds, and regulating abuses in the plantation trade, so far as those laws do prohibit any goods or commodities to be imported into or exported out of any British colony or plantation in America, in any foreign ship or vessel; to which end therefore, be it enacted by the authority aforesaid, That from and after the twenty ninth day of September, one thousand seven hundred and sixty four, if any foreign ship or vessel whatsoever shall be found at anchor, or hovering within two leagues of the shore of any land, island, plantation, colony, territory, or place, which shall or may be in the possession or under the dominion of his Majesty, his heirs or successors, in America, and shall not depart from the coast, and proceed upon her voyage to some foreign port or place, within forty eight hours after the master or other person taking the charge of such ship or vessel shall be required so to do by any officer of his Majesty’s customs, unless in case of unavoidable necessity and distress of weather, such ship or vessel, with all the goods therein laden, shall be forfeited and lost, whether bulk shall have been broken or not; and shall and may be seized and prosecuted by any officer of his Majesty’s customs, in such manner and form as herein after is expressed.

XXXIV. Provided always, that nothing herein contained shall extend, or be construed to extend, to any ship or vessel belonging to the subjects of the French king, which shall be found fishing, and not carrying on any illicit trade, on that part of the island of Newfoundland, which stretches from the place called Cape Bonavista to the northern part of the said island, and from thence running down to the western side, reaches as far as the place called Point Riche.

XXXV. And, in order to prevent an illicit trade or commerce between his Majesty’s subjects in America, and the subjects of the crown of France in the islands of Saint Pierre and Miquelon, it is hereby further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That from and after the twenty ninth day of September, one thousand seven hundred and sixty four, if any British ship or vessel shall be found standing into, or coming out from, either of those islands, or hovering or at anchor within two leagues of the coasts thereof, or shall be discovered to have taken any goods or merchandizes on board at either of them, or to have been there for the purpose; such ship or vessel, and all the goods so taken on board there, shall be forfeited and lost, and shall and may be seized and prosecuted by any officer of his Majesty’s customs; and the master or other person having the charge of such ship or vessel, and every person concerned in taking any such goods on board, shall forfeit treble the value thereof.

XXXVI. And, to prevent the concealing any goods in false packages, or private places, on board any ship or vessel arriving at any of the British colonies or plantations in America, with intent to their being clandestinely landed there, be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That from and after the twenty ninth day of September, one thousand seven hundred and sixty four, all goods which shall be found concealed in any place whatsoever on board any such ship or vessel, at any time after the master thereof shall have made his report to the collector or other proper officer of the customs, and which shall not be comprized or mentioned in the said report, shall be forfeited and lost, and shall and may be seized and prosecuted by any officer of the customs; and the master or other person having the charge or command of such ship or vessel (in case it can be made appear, that he was any wise consenting or privy to such fraud or concealment) shall forfeit treble the value of the goods so found.

XXXVII. And it is hereby further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That from and after the twenty ninth day of September, one thousand seven hundred and sixty four, if any goods or merchandizes whatsoever, liable to the payment of duties in any British colony or plantation in America by this or any other act of parliament, shall be loaded on board any ship or vessel outward bound, or shall be unshipped or landed from any ship or vessel inward bound, before the respective duties due thereon are paid, agreeable to law; or if any prohibited goods whatsoever shall be imported into, or exported out of, any of the said colonies or plantations, contrary to the true intent and meaning of this or any other act of parliament; every person who shall be assisting, or otherwise concerned, either in the loading outwards, or in the unshipping or landing inwards, such goods, or to whose hands the same shall knowingly come after the loading or unshipping thereof, shall, for each and every offence, forfeit treble the value of such goods, to be estimated and computed according to the best price that each respective commodity bears at the place where such offence was committed; and all the boats, horses, cattle, and other carriages whatsoever, made use of in the loading, landing, removing, carriage, or conveyance, of any of the aforesaid goods, shall also be forfeited and lost, and shall and may be seized and prosecuted, by any officer of his Majesty’s customs, as herein after mentioned.

XXXVIII. And it is hereby further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That from and after the twenty ninth day of September, one thousand seven hundred and sixty four, if any officer of his Majesty’s customs shall, directly or indirectly, take or receive any bribe, recompence, or reward, in any kind whatsoever; or connive at any false entry, or make any collusive seizure or agreement; or do any other act or deed whatsoever by which his Majesty, his heirs or successors, shall or may be defrauded in his or their duties, or whereby any goods prohibited shall be suffered to pass either inwards or outwards, or whereby the forfeitures and penalties inflicted by this or any other act of parliament relating to his Majesty’s customs in America may be evaded; every such officer therein offending shall, for each and every offence, forfeit the sum of five hundred pounds, and be rendered incapable of serving his Majesty in any office or employment civil or military: and if any person or persons whatsoever shall give, any officer, or promise to give, any bribe, recompence, or reward, to any officer of the customs, to do, conceal, or connive at, any act, whereby any of the provisions made by this or any other act of parliament relating to his Majesty’s customs in America may be evaded or broken, every such person or persons shall, for each and every such offence (whether the same offer, proposal, or promise, be accepted or performed, or not) forfeit the sum of fifty pounds.

XXXIX. And whereas by an act of parliament made in the seventh and eighth year of the reign of King William the Third, intituled, An act for preventing frauds, and regulating abuses, in the plantation trade, all governors or commanders in chief of any of his Majesty’s colonies or plantations, are required to take a solemn oath, to do their utmost that all the clauses, matters, and things, contained in that act, and several other acts of parliament therein referred to, relating to the said colonies and plantations, be punctually and bona fide observed, according to the true intent and meaning thereof: and whereas divers other good laws have been since made, for the better regulating and securing the plantation trade: be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That all the present governors or commanders in chief of any British colony or plantation shall, before the twenty ninth day of September, one thousand seven hundred and sixty four, and all who hereafter shall be made governors or commanders in chief of the said colonies or plantations, or any of them, before their entrance into their government, shall take a solemn oath, to do their utmost that all the clauses, matters, and things, contained in any act of parliament heretofore made, and now in force, relating to the said colonies and plantations, and that all and every the clauses contained in this present act, be punctually and bona fide observed, according to the true intent and meaning thereof, so far as appertains unto the said governors or commanders in chief respectively, under the like penalties, forfeitures, and disabilities, either for neglecting to take the said oath, or for wittingly neglecting to do their duty accordingly, as are mentioned and expressed in the said recited act made in the seventh and eighth year of the reign of King William the Third; and the said oath, hereby required to be taken, shall be administered by such person or persons as hath or have been, or shall be, appointed to administer the oath required to be taken by the said act made in the seventh and eighth year of the reign of King William the Third.

XL. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That all penalties and forfeitures herein before mentioned, which shall be incurred in Great Britain, shall and may be prosecuted, sued for, and recovered, in any of his Majesty’s courts of record at Westminister, or in the court of Exchequer in Scotland, respectively; and (all necessary charges for the recovery thereof being first deducted) shall be divided and applied, one moiety to and for the use of his Majesty, his heirs and successors, and the other moiety to the seizor or prosecutor.

XLI. And it is hereby further enacted and declared, That from and after the twenty ninth day of September, one thousand seven hundred and sixty four, all sums of money granted and imposed by this act, and by an act made in the twenty fifth year of the reign of King Charles the Second, intituled, An act for the encouragement of the Greenland and Eastland trades, and for the better securing the plantation trade, as rates or duties; and also all sums of money imposed as penalties or forfeitures, by this or any other act of parliament relating to the customs, which shall be paid, incurred, or recovered, in any of the British colonies or plantations in America; shall be deemed, and are hereby declared to be sterling money of Great Britain, and shall be collected, recovered, and paid, to the amount of the value which such nominal sums bear in Great Britain; and that such monies shall and may be received and taken according to the proportion and value of five shillings and six pence the ounce in silver; and that all the forfeitures and penalties inflicted by this or any other act or acts of parliament relating to the trade and revenues of the said British colonies or plantations where such offence shall be appointed over all America (which court of admiralty or vice admiralty are hereby respectively authorized and required to proceed, hear, and determine the same) at the election of the informer or prosecutor.

XLII. And it is hereby further enacted, That all penalties and forfeitures so recovered there, under this or any former act of parliament, shall be divided, paid, and applied, as follows; that is to say, after deducting the charges of prosecution from the gross produce thereof, one third part of the net produce shall be paid into the hands of the collector of his Majesty’s customs at the port or place where such penalties or forfeitures shall be recovered, for the use of his Majesty, his heirs and successors; one third part to the governor or commander in chief of the said colony or plantation; and the other third part to the person who shall seize, inform, and sue for the same; excepting such seizures as shall be made at sea by the commanders or officers of his Majesty’s ships or vessels of war duly authorized to make seizures; one moiety of which seizures, and of the penalties and forfeitures recovered thereon, first deducting the charges of prosecution from the gross produce thereof, shall be paid as aforesaid to the collector of his Majesty’s customs, to and for the use of his Majesty, his heirs and successors, and the other moiety to him or them who shall seize, inform, and sue for the same; any law, custom, or usage, to the contrary notwithstanding; subject nevertheless to such distribution of the produce of the seizures so made at sea, as well with regard to the moiety herein before granted to his Majesty, his heirs and successors, shall think fit to order and direct or by any order or orders of council, or by any proclamation or proclamations, to be made for that purpose.

XLIII. Provided always, and it is hereby further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That if the produce of any seizure made in America, shall not be sufficient to answer the expences of condemnation and sale; or if, upon the trial of any seizure of any ship or goods, a verdict or sentence shall be given for the claimant, in either of those cases, the charges attending the seizing and prosecuting such ship or goods shall and may, with the consent and approbation of any four of the commissioners of his Majesty’s customs, be paid out of any branch of the revenue of customs arising in any of the British colonies or plantations in America; any thing in this or any other act of parliament to the contrary notwithstanding.

XLIV. And it is hereby further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That from and after the said twenty ninth day of September, one thousand seven hundred and sixty four, no person shall be admitted to enter a claim to any ship or goods seized in pursuance of this or any other act of parliament, and prosecuted in any of the British colonies or plantations in America, until sufficient security be first given, by persons of known ability, in the court where such seizures is prosecuted, in the penalty of sixty pounds, to answer the costs and charges of prosecution; and, in default of giving such security, such ship or goods shall be adjudged to be forfeited, and shall be condemned.

XLV. And it is hereby further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That from and after the twenty ninth day of September, one thousand seven hundred and sixty four, if any ship or goods shall be seized for any cause of forfeiture, and any dispute shall arise whether the customs and duties for such goods have been paid, or the same have been lawfully imported or exported, or concerning the growth, product, or manufacture, of such goods, or the place from whence such goods were brought, then, and in such cases, the proof thereof shall lie upon the owner or claimer of such ship or goods, and not upon the officer who shall seize or stop the same; any law, custom, or usage, any law, custom, or usage, to the contrary notwithstanding.

XLVI. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That from and after the twenty ninth day of September, one thousand seven hundred and sixty four, in case any information shall be commenced and brought to trial in America, on account of any seizure of any ship or goods as forfeited by this or any other act of parliament relating to his Majesty’s customs, wherein a verdict or sentence shall be given for the claimer thereof; and it shall appear to the judge or court before whom the same shall be tried, that there was a probable cause of seizure, the judge or court before whom the same shall be tried shall certify on the record or other proceedings, that there was a probable cause for the prosecutors seizing the said ship or goods; and, in such case, the defendant shall not be intitled to any costs of suit whatsoever; nor shall the person who seized the said ship or goods, be liable to any action, or other suit or prosecution, on account of such seizure: and in any case any action, or other suit or prosecution, shall be commenced and brought to trial against any person or persons whatsoever, on account of the seizing any such ship or goods, where no information shall be commenced or brought to trial to condemn the same, and a verdict or sentence shall be given upon such action or prosecution against the defendant or defendants, if the court or judge before whom such action or prosecution, shall certify in like manner as aforesaid that there was a probable cause for such seizure, then the plaintiff besides his ship or goods so seized, or the value thereof, shall not be intitled to above two pence damages, nor to any costs of suit; nor shall the defendant in such prosecution be fined above one shilling.

XLVII. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That if any action or suit shall be commenced, either in Great Britain or America, against any person or persons for any thing done in pursuance of this or any other act of parliament relating to his Majesty’s customs, the defendant or defendants in such action or suit may plead the general issue, and give the said acts, and the special matter, in evidence at any trial to be had thereupon, and that the same was done in pursuance and by the authority of such act; and if it shall appear so to have been done, the jury shall find for the defendant or defendants; and if the plaintiff shall be non-suited, or discontinue his action after the defendant or defendants shall have appeared, or if judgment shall be given upon verdict or demurrer against the plaintiff, the defendant or defendants shall recover treble costs, and have the like remedy for the same as defendants have in other cases by law.

Poor old England endeavoring to reclaim his wicked American children. British political cartoon shows England as a elderly man leaning on a crutch, trying to pull the American colonists by the nose. Below the image is a Shakespeare quote from Henry VI, Part 2, attributed to Shakespeare, "And therefore is England maimed & forc'd to go with a staff."  Pub. by Matthew Darly (British, ca. 1720–80) Strand, 1777 April. London.

No single event caused the American Revolution. A series of events that led to the war. Essentially, it all began as a disagreement over the way Great Britain treated the men & women in the British American colonies on the Atlantic Coast of North America and the way the colonists felt they should be treated. Americans felt they deserved all the rights of British citizens. The British, on the other hand, felt that the colonies were created to be used in the way that best suited the Crown and Parliament. This conflict is embodied in one of the rallying cries of the ​American Revolution: No Taxation Without Representation.  If the homeland British could not agree with their North Atlantic colonistsonly about one-third of those colonists supported a rebellion. One-third of the population supported Great Britain, and the other third were neutral.


On September 1, 1764, Parliament passed the Currency Act, effectively assuming control of the colonial currency system. The act prohibited the issue of any new bills and the reissue of existing currency. Parliament favored a "hard currency" system based on the pound sterling, but was not inclined to regulate the colonial bills. Rather, they simply abolished them. The colonies protested vehemently against this. They suffered a trade deficit with Great Britain to begin with and argued that the shortage of hard capital would further exacerbate the situation. Another provision of the Currency Act established what amounted to a "superior" Vice-admiralty court, at the call of Navel [sic] commanders who wished to assure that persons suspected of smuggling or other violations of the customs laws would receive a hearing favorable to the British, and not the colonial, interests.

In order to understand the 1764 Currency Act, we need to review the earlier Currency Act of 1751 - The New England Currency Act.  During the French & Indian Wars, the colonies of New England issued paper money known as "bills of credit" through their colonial British American legislatures, which were backed by tax revenue, to help pay for military expenses during the French & Indian Wars.  "Bills of Credit" were circulated to pay for military emergencies, or to build or repair public works but in many cases they also filled the void caused by shortages in the British American colonies of gold & silver coins.

More paper money was issued than was recuperated in taxes, resulting in British American colonial paper money depreciating in value. Merchants in Great Britain were forced to accept the depreciated currency from American colonists for payment of debts. The Bills of Credit caused confusion as there was no standard value common to all of the colonies. The Currency Act of 1751 was passed to limit the colonies from printing & issuing bills of credit. The act of 1751 allowed the existing bills of credit to be used as legal tender for public debts (paying taxes), but banned their use for paying private debts (paying merchants).

The English policy of Salutary Neglect that was in effect from 1607-1763 was a long-standing British Policy in the 13 colonies which allowed the colonists to flout, or violate, the laws associated with trade. However, the British government was far more vigilant when overseeing matters concerning merchants who were based in Great Britain. There concerns were with issues involving contracts, debts, & the rates of currency exchange. Their concern regarding these matters led to the Currency Act Act of 1764.  The Currency Act of 1751 was limited to the New England colonies. The act of 1764 was implemented to regulate colonial currency in all of the colonies. The system was chaotic as there were no processes in place to ensure consistency between the colonies in relation to the issue of paper currency. The inconsistencies between the colonies included:

Interest on Bills of Credit: Some paid interest, others did not

Usage: Some prohibited their use to repay debts and only allowed for purchases to be made

Public and Private use: Some were issued to pay for public debts, not for private use

The Currency Act of 1764 therefore prohibited the issue of any new 'Bills of Credit' and the re-issue of existing currency by the American colonists.

 The British American colonies suffered a constant shortage of "hard currency" (silver & gold) with which to conduct trade. There were no gold or silver mines in the American colonies. Silver & gold coins (hard currency) could only be obtained through trade as regulated by Great Britain. British Acts effectively stopped trade between the colonies with French, Dutch, & Spanish in the West Indies.  Triangular Trade routes, coupled with the policy of Mercantilism, provided a “favorable balance of trade” for Great Britain but an "imbalance of trade" in the British American colonies resulting in a massive trade deficit.  The result of this caused the colonies to suffer a chronic shortage of funds. The 1764 Currency Act threatened to destabilize the entire British American colonial economy of New England, the Middle Colonies, & the Southern colonies. The industrial areas in the North & agricultural areas in the South in the British American colonies united against the 1764 Currency Act.
Currency Act 1764.The New-York Pocket Almanack for the Year 1771 shows how coin-rating worked in practice in the late colonial period.

WHEREAS great quantities of paper bills of credit have been created and issued in his Majesty's colonies or plantations in America, by virtue of acts, orders, resolutions, or votes of assembly, making and declaring such bills of credit to be legal tender in payment of money: and whereas such bills of credit have greatly depreciated in their value, by means whereof debts have been discharged with a much less value than was contracted for, to the great discouragement and prejudice of the trade and commerce of his Majesty's subjects, by occasioning confusion in dealings, and lessening credit in the said colonies or plantations: for remedy whereof, may it please your most excellent Majesty, that it may be enacted; and be it enacted by the King's most excellent majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the lords spiritual and temporal, and commons, in this present parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, That from and after the first day of September, one thousand seven hundred and sixty four, no act, order, resolution, or vote of assembly, in any of his Majesty's colonies or plantations in America, shall be made, for creating or issuing any paper bills, or bills of credit of any kind or denomination whatsoever, declaring such paper bills, or bills of credit, to be legal tender in payment of any bargains, contracts, debts, dues, or demands whatsoever; and every clause or provision which shall hereafter be inserted in any act, order, resolution, or vote of assembly, contrary to this act, shall be null and void.

II. And whereas the great quantities of paper bills, or bills of credit, which are now actually in circulation and currency in several colonies or plantations in America, emitted in pursuance of acts of assembly declaring such bills a legal tender, make it highly expedient that the conditions and terms, upon which such bills have been emitted, should not be varied or prolonged, so as to continue the legal tender thereof beyond the terms respectively fixed by such acts for calling in and discharging such bills; be it therefore enacted by the authority aforesaid, That every act, order, resolution, or vote of assembly, in any of the said colonies or plantations, which shall be made to prolong the legal tender of any paper bills, or bills of credit, which are now subsisting and current in any of the said colonies or plantations in America, beyond the times fixed for the calling in, sinking, and discharging of such paper bills, or bills of credit, shall be null and void.

III. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That if any governor or commander in chief for the time being, in all or any of the said colonies or plantations, shall, from and after the said first day of September, one thousand seven hundred and sixty four, give his assent to any act or order of assembly contrary to the true intent and meaning of this act, every such governor or commander in chief shall, for every such offence, forfeit and pay the sum of one thousand pounds, and shall be immediately dismissed from his government, and for ever after rendered incapable of any public office or place of trust.

IV. Provided always, That nothing in this act shall extend to alter or repeal an act passed in the twenty fourth year of the reign of his late majesty King George the Second, intituled, An act to regulate and restrain paper bills of credit in his Majesty's colonies or plantations of Rhode Island and Providence plantations, Connecticut, the Massachuset's Bay, and New Hampshire, in America, and to prevent the same being legal tenders in payments of money. V. Provided also, That nothing herein contained shall extend, or be construed to extend, to make any of the bills now subsisting in any of the said colonies a legal tender.

Poor old England endeavoring to reclaim his wicked American children. British political cartoon shows England as a elderly man leaning on a crutch, trying to pull the American colonists by the nose. Below the image is a Shakespeare quote from Henry VI, Part 2, attributed to Shakespeare, "And therefore is England maimed & forc'd to go with a staff."  Pub. by Matthew Darly (British, ca. 1720–80) Strand, 1777 April. London.

No single event caused the American Revolution. A series of events that led to the war. Essentially, it all began as a disagreement over the way Great Britain treated the men & women in the British American colonies on the Atlantic Coast of North America and the way the colonists felt they should be treated. Americans felt they deserved all the rights of British citizens. The British, on the other hand, felt that the colonies were created to be used in the way that best suited the Crown and Parliament. This conflict is embodied in one of the rallying cries of the ​American Revolution: No Taxation Without Representation.  If the homeland British could not agree with their North Atlantic colonists only about one-third of those colonists supported a rebellion. One-third of the population supported Great Britain, and the other third were neutral.


The early existence of colonial legislatures meant that the colonies were in many ways independent of the crown. The legislatures were allowed to levy taxes, muster troops, & pass laws. Over time, these powers became rights in the eyes of many colonists. The British government had different ideas & attempted to curtail the powers of these newly elected bodies. There were numerous measures designed to ensure the colonial legislatures did not achieve autonomy & many had nothing to do with the larger British Empire. In the minds of colonists, they were a matter of local concern.

The Quartering Act of 1765 was a law passed by Parliament that required colonists to provide housing accommodations for British troops, even during peacetime. Although the act did not force colonists to house soldiers in private homes, it did require that public buildings & unoccupied private structures be made available to the troops.
Karl Anton Hickel (1745-1798) House of Commons

In March 1765, the British Parliament passed the Quartering Act to address the practical concerns of troop deployment in the British American colonies. Under the terms of this legislation, each colonial assembly was directed to provide for the basic needs of soldiers stationed within its borders. The Quartering Act of 1765 required colonial governments to absorb the costs associated with quartering British troops which included food, shelter, bedding, cooking utensils, firewood, salt, vinegar, beer or cider, & candles. This law was expanded in 1766, to require the assemblies to billet soldiers in taverns & unoccupied houses.

The French & Indian War (the Seven Years War 1754-1763)) was between France & Britain for possession of North America. During this time it is estimated that over 25,000 troops were sent from Britain to America. The British commanders, led by Lieutenant General Thomas Gage, had found it difficult to persuade some colonial assemblies to pay for the quartering & provisioning of troops, as required by law in the 1686 Mutiny Act. The majority of colonies had supplied quartering for British troops during the war, but the issue was disputed in peacetime. The French & Indian War ended in victory for the British in 1763. Lieutenant General Thomas Gage reported the quartering problems he had encountered to the British Parliament. His experiences with uncooperative colonists was one of the issues that led to the Quartering Act of 1765.

British motivations for enforcing the Quartering Act were mixed. Some officials were legitimately concerned about protecting the colonies from attack & viewed this law as a logical means to do so. Also part of the calculation, however, was a desire to cut costs. If the colonies were to be protected, why should they not pay for the soldiers? In particular, the British ministry was faced with the prospect of bringing home the French & Indian War veterans & providing them with pay & pensions. If those soldiers could be kept in service in America, the colonies would pay for them & spare a tax-weary English public from additional burdens.

In April 1763, George Grenville became the British Prime Minister. Grenville needed to reduce the national debt. Before the French & Indian War the British national debt was only 72 million pounds. By the end of the French & Indian War in January 1763, the debt had escalated to almost 130 million pounds. The cost of bringing the British army back to Britain could be avoided if the soldiers remained in the colonies - so the forces stayed in America as a standing army, through the provisions of the Quartering Act.

To pay the war debt the British ended their policy of Salutary Neglect in the colonies. They started to enforce the laws of the Navigation Acts and looked for ways of imposing new taxes in the colonies. If they were to collect the new taxes the British would needed a strong military presence to enforce the new measures - the Quartering Act would help them achieve this.  Peace in the colonies allowed the British to look for ways of gaining revenue from America & protecting British interests of the merchants in Britain.  The British sent an additional 40,000 soldiers to the colonies in 1765 to protect the borders of the colonies & also to help to collect taxes from the colonists - it was a British show of force.  The concerns of the American colonists were growing with each change imposed by the British government in particular the Quartering Act, as they believed that the British army could easily turn on the colonists.

The British victory in the French & Indian Wars, saw the start of differences in the aspirations of those in England & those colonists in America. The 13 colonies were looking to expand their territories to the west. The British did not agree. The Proclamation of 1763 was designed to calm the fears of Native Indians by halting the westward expansion by colonists while expanding the lucrative fur trade. The introduction of the massive boundary, Proclamation Line, required the establishment, & the manning, of posts along the border - which the British administration argued was for the defence of the colonists & could be implemented through the Quartering Act.

The colonies disputed the legality of the Quartering Act of 1765, as it appeared to violate the 1689 English Bill of Rights, which forbade the raising or keeping a standing army without the consent of parliament. No standing army had been kept in the colonies before the French & Indian War, so the colonies questioned why a standing army was needed after the French had been defeated. Colonial debts were high, & the colonists stated that they could not afford to maintain British troops. The colonists resented the presence of the British & feared the use of troops against themselves.

March 24, 1765

AN ACT to amend & render more effectual, in his Majesty's dominions in America, an act passed in this present session of parliament, intituled, An act for punishing mutiny & desertion, & for the better payment of the army & their quarters.

WHEREAS ... [by the Mutiny Act of 1765] ... several regulations are made & enacted for the better government of the army, & their observing strict discipline, & for providing quarters for the army, & carriages on marches & other necessary occasions, & inflicting penalties on offenders against the same act, & for many other good purposes therein mentioned; but the same may not be sufficient for the forces that may be employed in his Majesty's dominions in America: & whereas, during the continuance of the said act, there may be occasion for marching & quartering of regiments & companies of his Majesty's forces in several parts of his Majesty's dominions in America: & whereas the publick houses & barracks, in his Majesty's dominions in America, may not be sufficient to supply quarters for such forces: & whereas it is expedient & necessary that carriages & other conveniences, upon the march of troops in his Majesty's dominions in America, should be supplied for that purpose: be it enacted ...,

That for & during the continuance of this act, & no longer, it shall & may be lawful to & for the constables, tithingmen, magistrates, & other civil officers of villages, towns, townships, cities, districts, & other places, within his Majesty's dominions in America, & in their default or absence, for any one justice of the peace inhabiting in or near any such village, township, city, district or place, & for no others; & such constables ... & other civil officers as aforesaid, are hereby required to billet & quarter the officers & soldiers, in his Majesty's service, in the barracks provided by the colonies; & if there shall not be sufficient room in the said barracks for the officers & soldiers, then & in such case only, to quarter & billet the residue of such officers & soldiers for whom there shall not be room in such barracks, in inns, livery stables, ale houses, victuallinghouses, & the houses of sellers of wine by retail to be drank in their own houses or places thereunto belonging, & all houses of persons selling of rum, brandy, strong water, cyder or metheglin, by retail, to be drank in houses; & in case there shall not be sufficient room for the officers & soldiers in such barracks, inns, victualling & other publick ale houses, that in such & no other case, & upon no other account, it shall & may be lawful for the governor & council of each respective province in his Majesty's dominions in America, to authorize & appoint, & they are hereby directed & impowered to authorize & appoint, such proper person or persons as they shall think fit, to take, hire & make fit, and, in default of the said governor & council appointing & authorizing such person or persons, or in default of such person or persons so appointed neglecting or refusing to do their duty, in that case it shall & may be lawful for any two or more of his Majesty's justices of the peace in or near the said villages, towns, townships, cities, districts, & other places, & they are hereby required to take, hire & make fit for the reception of his Majesty's forces, such & so many uninhabited houses, outhouses, barns, or other buildings, as shall be necessary, to quarter therein the residue of such officers & soldiers for whom there should not be room in such barracks & publick houses as aforesaid....

II
And it is hereby declared & enacted, That there shall be no more billets at any time ordered, than there are effective soldiers present to be quartered therein: & in order that this service may be effectually provided for, the commander in chief in America, or other officer under whose orders any regiment or company shall march, shall, from time to time, give ... as early notice as conveniently may be, in writing, signed by such commander or officer of their march, specifying their numbers & time of marching as near as may be, to the respective governors of each province through which they are to march....

III
[Military officers taking upon themselves to quarter soldiers contrary to this act, or using any menace to a civil officer to deter them from their duty, to be cashiered. Persons aggrieved by being quartered on may complain to the justices, & be relieved.]

V
Provided nevertheless, & it is hereby enacted, That the officers & soldiers so quartered & billeted as aforesaid (except such as shall be quartered in the barracks, & hired uninhabited houses, or other buildings as aforesaid) shall be received & furnished with diet, & small beer, cyder, or rum mixed with water, by the owners of the inns, livery stables, alehouses, victuallinghouses, & other houses in which they are allowed to be quartered & billeted by this act; paying & allowing for the same the several rates herein after mentioned to be payable, out of the subsistence money, for diet & small beer, cyder, or rum mixed with water.

VI
Provided always, That in case any innholder, or other person, on whom any non commission officers or private men shall be quartered by virtue of this act, ... (except on a march, or employed in recruiting, & likewise except the recruits by them raised, for the space of seven days at most, for such non commission officers & soldiers who are recruiting, & recruits by them raised) shall be desirous to furnish such noncommission officers or soldiers with candles, vinegar, & salt, & with small beer or cyder, not exceeding five pints, or half a pint of rum mixed with a quart of water, for each man per diem, gratis, & allow to such noncommission officers or soldiers the use of fire, & the necessary utensils for dressing & eating their meat, & shall give notice of such his desire to the commanding officer, & shall furnish & allow the same accordingly; then ... the non commission officers & soldiers so quartered shall provide their own victuals; & the officer to whom it belongs to receive, or that actually does receive, the pay & subsistence of such non commission officers & soldiers, shall pay the several sums herein after mentioned to be payable, out of the subsistence money, for diet & small beer, to the non commission officers & soldiers aforesaid....

VII
And whereas there are several barracks in several places in his Majesty's said dominions in America, or some of them, provided by the colonies, for the lodging & covering of soldiers in lieu of quarters, for the ease & conveniency as well of the inhabitants of & in such colonies, as of the soldiers; it is hereby further enacted, That all such officers & soldiers, so put & placed in such barracks, or in hired uninhabited houses, outhouses, barns, or other buildings, shall, from time to time, be furnished & supplied there by the persons to be authorized or appointed for that purpose by the governor & council of each respective province, or upon neglect or refusal of such governor & council in any province, then by two or more justices of the peace residing in or near such place, with fire, candles, vinegar, & salt, bedding, utensils for dressing their victuals, & small beer or cyder, not exceeding five pints, or half a pint of rum mixed with a quart of water, to each man, without paying any thing for the same....

XXX
And be it further enacted ... That this act ... shall continue & be in force in all his Majesty's dominions in America from [March 24, 1765] until [March 24, 1767].

Poor old England endeavoring to reclaim his wicked American children. British political cartoon shows England as a elderly man leaning on a crutch, trying to pull the American colonists by the nose. Below the image is a Shakespeare quote from Henry VI, Part 2, attributed to Shakespeare, "And therefore is England maimed & forc'd to go with a staff."  Pub. by Matthew Darly (British, ca. 1720–80) Strand, 1777 April. London.

No single event caused the American Revolution. A series of events that led to the war. Essentially, it all began as a disagreement over the way Great Britain treated the men & women in the British American colonies on the Atlantic Coast of North America and the way the colonists felt they should be treated. Americans felt they deserved all the rights of British citizens. The British, on the other hand, felt that the colonies were created to be used in the way that best suited the Crown and Parliament. This conflict is embodied in one of the rallying cries of the ​American Revolution: No Taxation Without Representation.  If the homeland British could not agree with their North Atlantic colonists, only about one-third of those colonists supported a rebellion. One-third of the population supported Great Britain, and the other third were neutral.
The Declaratory Act stated that Parliament had the authority to pass laws on all matters relating to the governance of the colonies. Passed after the repeal of the Stamp Act, the measure was designed to show that members of Parliament still believed they had ultimate authority over the colonies, even with regard to taxation.

A View of the House of Peers 1755 This image depicts a meeting of the British Parliament at Westminster Palace. The hereditary House of Lords (or Peers) occupies the center of the great hall. Members of the elected House of Commons stand & sit along the room's edges. King George II is on his throne. The King, Lords, & Commons together governed Britain & its American colonies.

The Declaratory Act of 1766 was passed in mid March by the Parliament of Great Britain, that was passed at the same time that the Stamp Act was repealed. The colonists celebrated the repeal of the Stamp Act & their political victory but the the passing of the Declaratory Act was the beginning of more trouble.
The Declaratory Act was passed by the British parliament to affirm its power to legislate for the colonies “in all cases whatsoever”. The declaration stated that Parliament's authority was the same in America as in Britain & asserted Parliament's authority to pass laws that were binding on the American colonies. The colonies did not dispute the notion of Parliamentary supremacy over the law. But the ability to tax without representation was another matter. The Declaratory Act made no such distinction.  The Declaratory Act of 1766 that asserted Parliament's authority to pass binding laws on the colonies contained the phrase “in all cases whatsoever” which could surely be taken to mean the power to tax. The Declaratory Act of 1766 was almost an exact copy of the 1719 Irish Declaratory Act which forced Ireland into total submission under the Crown.

AN ACT for the better securing the dependency of his Majesty's dominions in America upon the crown & parliament of Great Britain.

WHEREAS several of the houses of representatives in his Majesty's colonies & plantations in America, have of late, against law, claimed to themselves, or to the general assemblies of the same, the sole & exclusive right of imposing duties & taxes upon his Majesty's subjects in the said colonies & plantations; & have, in pursuance of such claim, passed certain votes, resolutions, & orders, derogatory to the legislative authority of parliament, & inconsistent with the dependency of the said colonies & plantations upon the crown of Great Britain: ... be it declared ...,

That the said colonies & plantations in America have been, are, & of right ought to be. subordinate unto, & dependent upon the imperial crown & parliament of Great Britain; & that the King's majesty, by & with the advice & consent of the lords spiritual & temporal, & commons of Great Britain, in parliament assembled, had, hash, & of right ought to have, full power & authority to make laws & statutes of sufficient force & validity to bind the colonies & people of America, subjects of the crown of Great Britain, in all cases whatsoever.

II. & be it further declared ..., That all resolutions, votes, orders, & proceedings, in any of the said colonies or plantations, whereby the power & authority of the parliament of Great Britain, to make laws & statutes as aforesaid, is denied, or drawn into question, are, & are hereby declared to be, utterly null & void to all intents & purposes whatsoever.

Poor old England endeavoring to reclaim his wicked American children. British political cartoon shows England as a elderly man leaning on a crutch, trying to pull the American colonists by the nose. Below the image is a Shakespeare quote from Henry VI, Part 2, attributed to Shakespeare, "And therefore is England maimed & forc'd to go with a staff."  Pub. by Matthew Darly (British, ca. 1720–80) Strand, 1777 April. London.

No single event caused the American Revolution. A series of events that led to the war. Essentially, it all began as a disagreement over the way Great Britain treated the men & women in the British American colonies on the Atlantic Coast of North America and the way the colonists felt they should be treated. Americans felt they deserved all the rights of British citizens. The British, on the other hand, felt that the colonies were created to be used in the way that best suited the Crown and Parliament. This conflict is embodied in one of the rallying cries of the ​American Revolution: No Taxation Without Representation.  If the homeland British could not agree with their North Atlantic colonistsonly about one-third of those colonists supported a rebellion. One-third of the population supported Great Britain, and the other third were neutral.


On February 6th, 1765 George Grenville (1712-1770), rose in the British Parliament to offer 55 resolutions of his Stamp Bill. The bill was passed on February 17, approved by the Lords on March 8th, and 2 weeks later ordered in effect by the King. The Stamp Act was Parliament's first serious attempt to assert governmental authority over the colonies. Great Britain was faced with a massive national debt following the Seven Years War. That debt had grown from £72,289,673 in 1755 to £129,586,789 in 1764. English citizens in Britain were taxed at a rate that created a serious threat of revolt.
Karl Anton Hickel, William Pitt addressing the House of Commons

George Grenville, the king's chief minister after 1763, devised a comprehensive plan to settle problems in North America & to raise revenue for the crown. He forbade colonial settlement beyond the Appalachians, put Indian affairs under English superintendents, established permanent garrisons of English troops for maintenance of order on the frontiers, issued orders against smuggling, sent an English fleet to American waters, assigned English customs officials to American ports, & had Parliament impose new taxes on the colonies. The Sugar Act of 1764 increased duties on sugar, wines, coffee, silk, & linens.
George Grenville (1712-1770)

The Stamp Act of 1765 required that government stamps be placed on practically every kind of American document, from college diplomas to newspapers. Grenville's program aroused an almost universal colonial protest.
Stamps for proof of payment of the tax

The first reaction to the Stamp Act was led by the Merchants & their wives. The Boston Merchants had previously mounted tax protests in 1764, which were boycotts of many British "finished goods" which had to be imported from England. Boycotted goods had included clothing such as satins, lace & ruffles. The boycott protest was successful, as it affected British trade & was legal. The Stamp tax was aimed at domestically produced & consumed items (all documents). The merchants viewed the British regulation of trade as legal, but the imposition of internal taxes was perceived to be illegal. The Stamp Act incensed attorneys.  Every legal document was subject to a Stamp Tax. Their very profession was also taxed - the highest tax amounting to £10 had been applied to Attorney Licences. And college & university students were also affected via diplomas & certificates. These high taxes were were perceived as deliberate ploys to limit the growth of a professional class in the American colonies, reducing the opportunities of colonists & reducing their levels of independence. The reaction to the Stamp Act from the politicians varied from the majority who took a cautious approach in airing their grievances to the British parliament to the zealous patriots who favored a much stronger plan of action. Arguments against the the Stamp Act were distributed from assembly to assembly in the form of "circulars."
The Stamp Act Congress in New York

A Stamp Act Congress was summoned by the politicians & attended by representatives of 9 of the colonies to discuss their grievances & protest against the measures proposed in the Act. It was the first time that politicians from New England, the Middle, & Southern colonies had united in a common cause. The reaction of the gathered politicians was to present grievances & protests relating to the administration of royal governors & British taxation without their consent. Some of the British American colonial politicians were English aristocrats who saw the actions of these politicians as "seditious, factious & republican." But the opposition to the Stamp Act and the Quartering Act, grew steadily all through the summer of 1765.
Patrick Henry (1736-1799) of Virginia

Patrick Henry, at a meeting of the Virginia House of Burgesses, proposed   7 resolutions against the Stamp Act. The first 4 resolutions were adopted  & passed by the House of Burgesses. The 5th resolution was repealed on the 2nd day of the debates. Though resolutions 6 & 7 were never passed by the House, all 7 were widely reported in the colonial press, leaving many with the impression that all passed the Virginia Assembly.

The following 4 resolves were adopted by the Virginia House of Burgesses on May 30, 1765:

Resolved, that the first adventurers & settlers of His Majesty's colony & dominion of Virginia brought with them & transmitted to their posterity, & all other His Majesty's subjects since inhabiting in this His Majesty's said colony, all the liberties, privileges, franchises, & immunities that have at any time been held, enjoyed, & possessed by the people of Great Britain.

Resolved, that by two royal charters, granted by King James I, the   colonists aforesaid are declared entitled to all liberties, privileges, & immunities of denizens & natural subjects to all intents & purposes as if they had been abiding & born within the Realm of England.

Resolved, that the taxation of the people by themselves, or by persons chosen by themselves to represent them, who can only know what taxes the people are able to bear, or the easiest method of raising them, & must themselves be affected by every tax laid on the people, is the only security against a burdensome taxation, & the distinguishing characteristic of British freedom, without which the ancient constitution cannot exist.

Resolved, that His Majesty's liege people of this his most ancient & loyal colony have without interruption enjoyed the inestimable right of being governed by such laws, respecting their internal policy & taxation, as are derived from their own consent, with the approbation of their sovereign, or his substitute; & that the same has never been forfeited or yielded up, but has been constantly recognized by the kings & people of Great Britain.

The following version of the much-debated 5th resolution (which was not adopted) was found with Patrick Henry's will:

Resolved, therefor that the General Assembly of this Colony have the only & exclusive Right & Power to lay Taxes & Impositions upon the inhabitants of this Colony & that every Attempt to vest such Power in any person or persons whatsoever other than the General Assembly aforesaid has a manifest Tendency to destroy British as well as American Freedom.

The following two resolutions were not passed by the Virginia Assembly, but were reported in several newspapers:

Resolved, That His Majesty's liege people, the inhabitants of this Colony, are not bound to yield obedience to any law or ordinance whatever, designed to impose any taxation whatsoever upon them, other than the laws or ordinances of the General Assembly aforesaid.

Resolved, That any person who shall, by speaking or writing, assert or maintain that any person or persons other than the General Assembly of this Colony, have any right or power to impose or lay any taxation on the people here, shall be deemed an enemy to His Majesty's Colony.


The Stamp Act - March 22, 1765  Duties in American Colonies Act 1765

AN ACT for granting & applying certain stamp duties, & other duties, in the British colonies & plantations in America, towards further defraying the expenses of defending, protecting, & securing the same; & for amending such parts of the several acts of parliament relating to the trade & revenues of the said colonies & plantations, as direct the manner of determining & recovering the penalties & forfeitures therein mentioned.

WHEREAS by an act made in the last session of parliament, several duties were granted, continued, & appropriated, towards defraying the expences of defending, protecting, & securing, the British colonies & plantations in America: & whereas it is just & necessary, that provision be made for raising a further revenue within your Majesty’s dominions in America, towards defraying the said expences: we, your Majesty’s most dutiful & loyal subjects, the commons of Great Britain parliament assembled, have therefore resolved to give & grant unto your Majesty the several rates & duties herein after mentioned; & do most humbly beseech your Majesty that it may be enacted, & be it enacted by the King’s most excellent majesty, by & with the advice & consent of the lords spiritual & temporal, & commons, in this present parliament assembled, & by the authority of the same, That from & after the first day of November, one thousand seven hundred & sixty five, there shall be raised, levied, collected, & paid unto his Majesty, his heirs, & successors, throughout the colonies & plantations in America which now are, or hereafter may be, under the dominion of his Majesty, his heirs & successors,

For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be ingrossed, written or printed, any declaration, plea, replication, rejoinder, demurrer, or other pleading, or any copy thereof, in any court of law within the British colonies & plantations in America, a stamp duty of three pence.

For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be ingrossed, written or printed, any special bail & appearance upon such bail in any such court, a stamp duty of two shillings.

For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be ingrossed, written, or printed, any petition, bill, answer, claim, plea, replication, rejoinder, demurrer, or other pleading in any court of chancery or equity within the said colonies & plantations, a stamp duty of one shilling & six pence.

For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be ingrossed, written, or printed, any copy of any petition, bill, answer, claim, plea, replication, rejoinder, demurrer, or other pleading in any such court, a stamp duty of three pence.

For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be ingrossed, written, or printed, any monition, libel, answer, allegation, inventory, or renunciation in ecclesiastical matters in any court of probate, court of the ordinary, or other court exercising ecclesiastical jurisdiction within the said colonies & plantations, a stamp duty of one shilling.

For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be ingrossed, written, or printed, any copy of any will (other than the probate thereof) monition, libel, answer, allegation, inventory, or renunciation in ecclesiastical matters in any such court, a stamp duty of six pence.

For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be ingrossed, written or printed, any donation, presentation, collation, or institution of or to any benefice, or any writ or instrument for the like purpose, or any register, entry, testimonial, or certificate of any degree taken in any university, academy, college, or seminary of learning, within the said colonies & plantations, a stamp duty of two pounds.

For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be ingrossed, written, or printed, any monition, libel, claim, answer, allegation, information, letter of request, execution, renunciation, inventory, or other pleading, in any admiralty court within the said colonies & plantations, a stamp duty of one shilling.

For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which any copy of such monition, libel, claim, answer, allegation, information, letter of request, execution, renunciation, inventory, or other pleading shall be ingrossed, written, or printed, a stamp duty of six pence.

For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on shall be ingrossed, written, or printed, any appeal, writ of error, writ of dower, Ad quod damnum, certiorari, statute merchant, statute staple, attestation, or certificate, by any officer, or exemplification of any record or proceeding in any court whatsoever within the said colonies & plantations (except appeals, writs of error, certiorari, attestations, certificates, & exemplifications, for or relating to the removal of any proceedings from before a single justice of the peace) a stamp duty of ten shillings.

For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be ingrossed, written, or printed, any writ of covenant for levying of fines, writ of entry for suffering a common recovery, or attachment issuing out of, or returnable into, any court within the said colonies & plantations, a stamp duty of five shillings.

For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be ingrossed, written, or printed, any judgment, decree, sentence, or dismission, or any record of Nisi Prius or Postea, in any court within the said colonies & plantations, a stamp duty of four shillings.

For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall ingrossed, written, or printed, any affidavit, common bail or appearance, interrogatory deposition, rule, order, or warrant of any court, or any Dedimus Potestatem, Capias, Subpoena, summons, compulsory citation, commission, recognizance, or any other writ, process, or mandate, issuing out of, or returnable into, any court, or any office belonging thereto, or any other proceeding therein whatsoever, or any copy thereof, or of any record not herein before charged, within the said colonies & plantations (except warrants relating to criminal matters, & proceedings thereon or relating thereto) a stamp duty of one shilling.

For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be ingrossed, written, or printed, any licence, appointment, or admission of any counsellor, solicitor, attorney, advocate, or proctor, to practice in any court, or of any notary within the said colonies & plantations, a stamp duty of ten pounds.

For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be ingrossed, written, or printed, any note or bill of lading, which shall be signed for any kind of goods, wares, or merchandize, to be exported from, or any cocket or clearance granted within the said colonies & plantations, a stamp duty of four pence.

For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be ingrossed, written, or printed, letters of mart, or commission for private ships of war, within the said colonies & plantations, a stamp duty of twenty shillings.

For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be ingrossed, written or printed, any grant, appointment, or admission of or to any publick beneficial office or employment, for the space of one year, or any lesser time, of or above the value of twenty pounds per annum sterling money, in salary, fees, & perquisites, within the said colonies & plantations, (except commissions & appointments of officers of the army, navy, ordnance, or militia, of judges, & of justices of the peace) a stamp duty of ten shillings.

For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which any grant of any liberty, privilege, or franchise, under the seal of any of the said colonies or plantations, or under the seal or sign manual of any governor, proprietor, or publick officer alone, or in conjunction with any other person or persons, or with any council, or any council & assembly, or any exemplification of the same, shall be ingrossed, written, or printed, within the said colonies & plantations, a stamp duty of six pounds.

For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be ingrossed, written, or printed, any licence for retailing of spirituous liquors, to be granted to any person who shall take out the same, within the said colonies & plantations, a stamp duty of twenty shillings.

For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, of sheet of piece of paper, on which shall be ingrossed, written, or printed any licence for retailing wine, to be granted to any person who shall not take out a licence for retailing of spirituous liquors, within the said colonies & plantations, a stamp duty of four pounds.

For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be ingrossed, written, or printed, any licence for retailing of wine, to be granted to any person who shall take out a licence for retailing of spirituous liquors, within the said colonies & plantations, a stamp duty of three pounds,

For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, of sheet of piece of paper, on which shall be ingrossed, written, or printed, any probate of a will, letters of administration, or of guardianship for any estate above the value of twenty pounds sterling money; within the British colonies & plantations upon the continent of America, the islands belonging thereto, & the Bermuda & Bahama islands, a stamp duty of five shillings.

For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be ingrossed, written or printed, any such probate, letters of administration or of guardianship within all other parts of the British dominions in America, a stamp duty of ten shillings.

For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be ingrossed, written, or printed , any bond for securing the payment of any sum of money, not exceeding the sum of ten pounds sterling money, within the British colonies & plantations upon the continent of America, the islands belonging there to, & the Bermuda & Bahama islands, a stamp duty of six pence.

For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be ingrossed, written, or printed, any bond for securing the payment of any sum of money above ten pounds, & not exceeding the sum of twenty pounds sterling money, within such colonies, plantations, & islands, a stamp duty of one shilling.

For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be ingrossed, written, or printed, any bond for securing the payment of any sum of money above twenty pounds, & not exceeding forty pounds of sterling money, within such colonies, plantations, & islands, a stamp duty of one shilling & six pence.

For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be ingrossed, written, or printed, any order or warrant for surveying or setting out any quantity of land, not exceeding one hundred acres, issued by any governor, proprietor, or any publick officer alone, or in conjunction with any other person or persons, or with any council, or any council & assembly, within the British colonies & plantations in America, a stamp duty of six pence.

For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be ingrossed, written, or printed, any such order or warrant for surveying or setting out any quantity of land above one hundred, & not exceeding two hundred acres, within the said colonies & plantations, a stamp duty of one shilling,

For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be ingrossed, written, or printed, any such order or warrant for surveying or setting out any quantity of land above two hundred, & not exceeding three hundred & twenty acres, & in proportion for every such order or warrant for surveying or setting out every other three hundred & twenty acres, within the said colonies & plantations, a stamp duty of one shilling & six pence.

For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be ingrossed, written, or printed, any original grant, or any deed, mesne conveyance, or other instrument whatsoever, by which any quantity of land not exceeding one hundred acres shall be granted, conveyed, or assigned, within the British colonies & plantations upon the continent of America, the islands belonging thereto, & the Bermuda & Bahama islands (except leases for any term not exceeding the term of twenty one years) a stamp duty of one shilling & six pence.

For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be ingrossed, written, or printed, any such original grant, or any such deed, mesne conveyance, or other instrument whatsoever by which any quantity of land above one hundred, & not exceeding two hundred acres, shall be granted, conveyed, or assigned, within such colonies, plantations, & islands, a stamp duty of two shillings.

For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be ingrossed, written, or printed, any such original grant, or any such deed, mesne conveyance, or other instrument whatsoever, by which any quantity of land above two hundred, & not exceeding three hundred & twenty acres, shall be granted, conveying, or assigned & in proportions for every such grant, deed, mesne conveyance, or other instrument, granting, conveying, or assigning, every other three hundred & twenty acres, within such colonies, plantations, & islands, a stamp duty of two shillings & six pence.

For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be ingrossed, written, or printed, any such original grant, or any such deed, mesne conveyance, or other instrument whatsoever, by which any quantity of land not exceeding one hundred acres shall be granted, conveyed, or assigned, within all other parts of the British dominions in America, a stamp duty of three shillings.

For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be ingrossed, written, or printed, any such original grant, or any such deed, mesne conveyance, or other instrument whatsoever, by which any quantity of land above one hundred, & not exceeding two hundred acres, shall be granted, conveyed, or assigned, within the same parts of the said dominions, a stamp duty of four shillings.

For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be ingrossed, written, or printed, any such original grant, or any such deed, mesne conveyance, or other instrument whatsoever, whereby any quantity of land above two hundred, & not exceeding three hundred & twenty acres, shall be granted, conveyed, or assigned, & in proportion for every such grant, deed, mesne conveyance, or other instrument, granting, conveying, or assigning, every other three hundred & twenty acres, within the same parts of the said dominions, a stamp duty of five shillings.

For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, of sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be ingrossed, written, or printed, any grant, appointment, or admission, of or to any publick beneficial office or employment, not herein before charged, above the value of twenty pounds per annum sterling money in salary, fees, & perquisites, or any exemplification of the same, within the British colonies & plantations upon the continent of America, the islands belonging thereto, & the Bermuda & Bahama islands (except commissions of officers of the army, navy, ordnance, or militia, & of justices of the peace) a stamp duty of four pounds.

For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be ingrossed, written, or printed, any such grant, appointment, or admissions, of or to any such publick beneficial office or employment, or any exemplification of the same, within all other parts of the British dominions in America, a stamp duty of six pounds.

For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be ingrossed, written, or printed, any indenture, lease, conveyance, contract, stipulation, bill of sale, charter party, protest, articles of apprenticeship, or covenant (except for the hire of servants not apprentices, & also except such other matters as are herein before charged) within the British colonies & plantations in America, a stamp duty of two shillings & six pence.

For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which any warrant or order for auditing any publick accounts, beneficial warrant, order, grant, or certificate, under any publick seal, or under the seal of sign manual of any governor, proprietor, or publick officer alone, or in conjunction with any other person or persons, or with any council, or any council & assembly, not herein before charge, or any passport, or let-pass, surrender of officer, or policy of assurance, shall be ingrossed, written, or printed, within the said colonies & plantations (except warrants or orders for the service of the navy, army, ordnance, or militia, & grants of offices under twenty pounds per annum in salary, fees, & perquisites) a stamp duty of five shillings.

For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be ingrossed, written, or printed, any notarial act, bond, deed, letter, of attorney, procuration, mortgage, release, or other obligatory instrument, not herein before charged, within the said colonies & plantations, a stamp duty of two shillings & three pence.

For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be ingrossed, written or printed, any register, entry, or inrollment of any grant, deed, or other instrument whatsoever herein before charged, within the said colonies & plantations, a stamp duty of three pence.

For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be ingrossed, written, or printed, any register, entry, or inrollement of any grant, deed, or other instrument whatsoever not herein before charged, within the said colonies & plantations, a stamp duty of two shillings.

And for & upon every pack of playing cards, & all dice, which shall be sold or used within the said colonies & plantations, the several stamp duties following (that is to say)

For every pack of such cards, the sum of one shilling.

And for every pair of such dice, the sum of ten shillings.

And for & upon every paper, commonly called a pamphlet, & upon every news paper, containing publick news, intelligence, or occurrences, which shall be printed, dispersed, & made publick, within any of the said colonies & plantations, & for & upon such advertisements as are herein after mentioned, the respective duties following (that is to say)

For every such pamphlet & paper contained in half a sheet, or & lesser piece of paper, which shall be so printed, a stamp duty of one halfpenny, for every printed copy thereof.

For every such pamphlet & paper (being larger than half a sheet, & not exceeding one whole sheet) which shall be so printed, a stamp duty of one penny, for every printed copy thereof. 

For every pamphlet & paper being larger than one whole sheet, & not exceeding six sheets in octavo, or in a lesser page, or not exceeding twelve sheets in quarto, or twenty sheets in folio, which shall be so printed, a duty after the rate of one shilling for every sheet of any kind of paper which shall be contained in one printed copy thereof.

For every advertisement to be contained in any gazette, news paper, or other paper, or any pamphlet which shall be so printed, a duty of two shillings.

For every almanack or calendar, for any one particular year, or for any time less than a year, which shall be written or printed on one side only of any one sheet, skin, or piece of paper parchment, or vellum, within the said colonies & plantations, a stamp duty of two pence.

For every other almanack or calendar for any one particular year, which shall be written or printed within the said colonies or plantations, a stamp duty of four pence.

And for every almanack or calendar written or printed within the said colonies & plantations, to serve for several years, duties to the same amount respectively shall be paid for every such year.

For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which any instrument, proceeding, or other matter or thing aforesaid, shall be ingrossed, written, or printed, within the said colonies & plantations, in any other than the English language, a stamp duty of double the amount of the respective duties being charged thereon.

And there shall be also paid in the said colonies & plantations, a duty of six pence for every twenty shillings, in any sum not exceeding fifty pounds sterling money, which shall be given, paid, contracted, or agreed for, with or in relation to any clerk or apprentice, which shall be put or placed to or with any master or mistress to learn any profession, trade, or employment.

II. And also a duty of one shilling for every twenty shillings, in any sum exceeding fifty pounds, which shall be given, paid, contracted, or agreed, for, with or in relation to any such clerk, or apprentice.

III. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That every deed, instrument, note, memorandum, letter, or other instrument or writing, for or relating to the payment of any sum of money, or for making any valuable consideration for or upon the loss of any ship, vessel, goods, wages, money, effects, or upon any loss by fire, or for any other loss whatsoever, or for or upon any life or lives, shall be construed, deemed, & adjudged to be policies of assurance, within the meaning of this act: & if any such deed, instrument, note, memorandum, letter, or other minument or writing, for insuring, or tending to insure, any more than one ship or vessel for more than any one voyage, or any goods, wages, money, effects, or other matter or thing whatsoever, for more than one voyage, or in more than one ship or vessel, or being the property of, or belonging to, any more than one person, or any more than one body politick or corporate, or for more than one risk; then, in every such case, the money insured thereon, or the valuable consideration thereby agreed to be made, shall become the absolute property of the insured, & the insurer shall also forfeit the premium given for such insurance, together with the sum of one hundred pounds.

IV. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That every deed, instrument, note, memorandum, letter, or other minument or writing, between the captain or master or owner of any ship or vessel, & any merchant, trader, or other person, in respect to the freight or conveyance of any money, goods, wares, merchandizes, or effects, laden or to be laden on board of any such ship or vessel, shall be deemed & adjudged to be a charter party within the meaning of this act.

V. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That all books & pamphlets serving chiefly for the purpose of an almanack, by whatsoever name or names intituled or described, are & shall be charged with the duty imposed by this act on almanacks, but not with any of the duties charged by this act on pamphlets, or other printed papers; anything herein contained to the contrary notwithstanding.

VI. Provided always, That this act shall not extend to charge any bill of exchange, accompts, bills of parcels, bills of fees, or any bills or notes not sealed for payment of money at sight, or upon demand, or at the end of certain days of payment.

VII. Provided, That nothing in this act contained shall extend to charge the probate of any will, or letters of administration to the effects of any common seaman or soldier, who shall die in his Majesty’s service; a certificate being produced from the commanding officer of the ship or vessel, or troop or company in which such seaman or soldier served at the time of his death, & oath, or if by a quaker a solemn affirmation, made of the truth thereof, before the proper judge or officer by whom such probate or administration ought to be granted; which oath or affirmation such judge or officer is hereby authorized & required to administer, & for which no fee or rewards shall be taken.

VIII. Provided always, & be it enacted, That until after the expiration of five years from the commencement of the said duties, no skin, or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which any instrument, proceeding, or other matter or thing shall be ingrossed, written, or printed, within the colonies of Quebec or Granada, in any other than the English language, shall be liable to be charged with any higher stamp duty than if the same had been ingrossed, written, or printed in the English language.

IX. Provided always, That nothing in this act contained shall extend to charge with any duty, any deed, or other instrument, which shall be made between any Indian nation & the governor, proprietor of any colony, lieutenant governor, or commander in chief alone, or in conjunction with any other person or persons, or with any council, or any council & assembly of any of the said colonies or plantations, for or relating to the granting, surrendering, or conveying, any lands belonging to such nation, to, for, or on behalf of his Majesty, or any such proprietor, or to any colony or plantation.

X. Provided always, That this act shall not extend to charge any proclamation, forms of prayer & thanksgiving, or any printed votes of any house of assembly in any of the said colonies & plantations, with any of the said duties on pamphlets or news papers; or to charge any books commonly used in any of the schools within the said colonies & plantations, or any books containing only matters of devotion or piety; or to charge any single advertisement printed by itself, or the daily accounts or bills of goods imported & exported, so as such accounts or bills do contain no other matters than what have been usually comprized therein; any thing herein contained to the contrary notwithstanding.

XI. Provided always, That nothing in this act contained shall extend to charge with any of the said duties, any vellum, parchment, or paper, on which shall only be ingrossed, written, or printed, any certificate that shall be necessary to intitle any person to receive a bounty granted by act of parliament.

XII. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That the said several duties shall be under the management of the commissioners, for the time being, of the duties charged on stamped vellum, parchment, & paper, in Great Britain: & the same commissioners are hereby impowered & required to employ such officers under them, for that purpose, as they shall think proper; & to use such stamps & marks, to denote the stamp duties hereby charged, as they shall think fit; & to repair, renew, or alter the same, from time to time, as there shall be occasion; & to do all other acts, matters, & things, necessary to be done, for putting this act in execution with relation to the duties hereby charged.

XIII. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That the commissioners for managing the said duties, for the time being, shall & may appoint a fit person or persons to attend in every court of publick office within the said colonies & plantations, to take notice of the vellum, parchment, or paper, upon which any of the matter or things hereby charged with a duty shall be ingrossed, written, or printed, & of the stamps or marks thereupon, & of all other matters & things tending to secure the said duties; & that the judges in the several courts, & all other persons to whom it may appertain, shall, at the request of any such officer, make such orders, & do such other matters & things, for the better securing of the said duties, as shall be lawfully or reasonably desired in that behalf: & every commissioner & other officer, before he proceeds to the execution of any part of this act, shall take an oath in the words, or to the effect following (that is to say)

I A. B. do swear, That I will faithfully execute the trust reposed in me, pursuant to an act of parliament made in the fifth year of the reign of his majesty King George the Third, for granting certain stamp duties, & other duties, in the British colonies & plantations in America, without fraud or concealment; & will from time to time true account make of my doing therein, & deliver the same to such person or persons as his Majesty, his heirs, or successors, shall appoint to receive such account; & will take no fee, reward, or profit for the execution or performance of the said trust, or the business relating thereto, from any person or persons, other than such as shall be allowed by his Majesty, his heirs, & successors, or by some other person or persons under him or them to that purpose authorized.

Or if any such officer shall be of the people commonly called Quakers, he shall take a solemn affirmation to the effect of the said oath; which oath or affirmation shall & may be administered to any such commissioner or commissioners by any two or more of the same commissioners, whether they have or have not previously taken the same: & any of the said commissioners, or any justice of the peace, within the kingdom of Great Britain, or any governor, lieutenant governor, judge, or other magistrate, within the said colonies or plantations, shall & may administer such oath or affirmation to any subordinate officer.

XIV. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That the said commissioners, & all officers to be employed or entrusted by or under them as aforesaid, shall, from time to time, in & for the better execution of their several places & trusts, observe such rules, methods, & orders, as they respectively shall, from time to time, receive from the high treasurer of Great Britain, or the commissioners of the treasury, or any three or more of such commissioners for the time being; & that the said commissioners for managing the stamp duties shall take especial care, that the several parts of the said colonies & plantations shall, from time to time, be sufficiently furnished with vellum, parchment, & paper, stamped or marked with the said respective duties.

XV. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That if any person or persons shall sign, ingross, write, print, or sell, or expose to sale, or cause to be signed, ingrossed, written, printed or sold, or expose to sale, in any of the said colonies or plantations, or in any other part of his Majesty’s dominions, any matter or thing, for which the vellum, parchment, or paper, is hereby charged to pay any duty, before the same shall be marked or stamped with the marks or stamps to be provided as aforesaid, or upon which there shall not be some stamp or mark resembling the same; or shall sign, ingross, write, print, or sell, or expose to sale, or cause to be signed, ingrossed, written, printed, or sold, or exposed to sale, any matter or thing upon any vellum, parchment, or paper, that shall be marked or stamped for any lower duty than the duty by this act made payable in respect thereof; every such person so offending shall, for every such offence, forfeit the sum of ten pounds.

XVI. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That no matter or thing whatsoever, by this act charged with the payment of a duty, shall be pleaded or given in evidence, or admitted in any court within the said colonies or plantations, to be good, useful, or available in law or equity, unless the same shall be marked or stamped, in pursuance of this act, with the respective duty hereby charged thereon, or with an higher duty.

XVII. Provided nevertheless, & be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That if any vellum, parchment, or paper, containing any deed, instrument, or other matter or thing, shall not be duly stamped in pursuance of this act, at the time of the signing, sealing, or other execution, or the entry or inrollment thereof, any person interested therein, or any person on his or her behalf, upon producing the same to any one of the chief distributors of stamped vellum, parchment, & paper, & paying to him the sum of ten pounds for every such deed, instrument, matter, or thing, & also double the amount of the duties payable in respect thereof, shall be intitled to receive from such distributor, vellum, parchment, or paper, stamped pursuant to this act, to the amount of the money so paid; a certificate being first written upon every such piece of vellum, parchment, or paper, expressing the name & place of abode of the person by or on whose behalf such payment in made, the general purport of such deed, instrument, matter, or thing, the names of the parties therein, & of the witnesses (if any) thereto, & the date thereof, which certificate shall be signed by the said distributor; & the vellum, parchment, or paper, shall be then annexed to such deed, instrument, matter, or thing, by or in the presence of such distributor, who shall impress a seal upon wax, to be affixed on the part where such annexation shall be made, in the presence of a magistrate, who shall attest such signatures & sealing; & the deed, instrument, or other matter or thing, from thenceforth shall & may, with the vellum, parchment, or paper, so annexed, be admitted & allowed in evidence in any court whatsoever, & shall be as valid & effectual as if the proper stamps had been impressed thereon at the time of the signing, sealing, or other execution, or entry or inrollment thereof: & the said distributor shall, once in every six months, or oftener if required by the commissioners for managing the stamp duties, send to such commissioners true copies of all such certificates, & an account of the number of pieces of vellum, parchment, & paper, so annexed, & of the respective duties impressed upon every such piece.

XVIII. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That if any person shall forge, counterfeit, erase, or alter, any such certificate, ever such person so offending shall be guilty of felony, & shall suffer death as in cases of felony without the benefit of clergy.

XIX. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That if any person or persons shall, in the said colonies or plantations, or in any other part of his Majesty’s dominions, counterfeit or forge any seal, stamp, mark type, device, or label, to resemble any seal, stamp, mark, type, device, or label, which shall be provided or made in pursuance of this act; or shall counterfeit or resemble the impressions of the same upon any vellum, parchment, paper, cards, dice, or other matter or thing, thereby to evade the payment of any duty hereby granted; or shall make, sign, print, utter, vend, or sell, any vellum, parchment, or paper, or other matter or thing with such counterfeit mark or impression thereon, knowing such mark or impression to be counterfeited; then every person so offending shall be adjudged a felon, & shall suffer death as in cases of felony without the benefit of clergy.

XX. And it is hereby declared, That upon any prosecution of prosecutions for such felony, the dye, tool, or other instrument made use of in counterfeiting or forging any such seal, stamp, mark, type, device, or label, together with the vellum, parchment, paper, cards, dice, or other matter, or thing having such counterfeit impression, shall, immediately after trial or conviction of the party or parties accused, be broke, defaced, or destroyed, in open court.

XXI. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That if any register, publick officer, clerk, or other person in any court, registry, or office within any of the said colonies or plantations, shall, at any time after the said first day of November, one thousand seven hundred & sixty five, enter, register, or inroll, any matter or thing hereby charged with a stamp duty, unless the same shall appear to be duly stamped; in every such case such register, publick officer, clerk, or other person, shall, for every such offence, forfeit the sum of twenty pounds.

XXII. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That from & after the said first day of November, one thousand seven hundred & sixty five, if any counsellor, clerk, officer, attorney, or other person, to whom this shall appertain, or who shall be employed or intrusted, in the said colonies or plantations, to enter or file any matter or thing in respect whereof a duty shall be payable by virtue of this act, shall neglect to enter, file, or record the same, as by law the same ought to be entered, filed, or recorded, within the space of four months after he shall have received any money for or in respect of the same, or shall have promised or undertaken so to do; or shall neglect to enter, file, or record, any such matter or thing, before any subsequent, further or other proceeding, matter, or thing, in the same suit, shall be had, entered, filed, or recorded; that then every such counsellor, clerk, officer, attorney, or other person so neglecting or offending, in each of the cases aforesaid, shall forfeit the sum of fifty pounds for every such offence.

XXIII. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That if any person or persons, at any time after the said first day of November, one thousand seven hundred & sixty five, shall write, ingross, or print, or cause to be written, ingrossed, or printed, in the said colonies or plantations, or any other part of his said Majesty’s dominions, either the whole or any part of any matter or thing whatsoever in respect whereof any duty is payable by this act, upon any part of any piece of vellum, parchment, or paper, whereon there shall have been before written any other matter or thing in respect whereof any duty was payable by this act; or shall fraudulently erase, or cause to be erased, the name or names of any person or persons, or any sum, date, or other thing, ingrossed, written, or printed, in such matter or thing as aforesaid; or fraudulently cut, tear, or get off, any mark or stamp from any piece of vellum, parchment, or paper, or any part thereof, with intent to use such stamp or mark for any other matter or thing in respect whereof any duty shall be payable by virtue of this act; that then, & so often & in every such case, every person so offending shall, for every such offence, forfeit the sum of fifty pounds.

XXIV. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That every matter & thing, in respect whereof any duty shall be payable in pursuance of this act, shall be ingrossed, written, or printed, in such manner, that some part thereof shall be either upon, or as near & conveniently may be, to the stamps or marks denoting the duty; upon pain that the person who shall ingross, write, or print, or cause to be ingrossed, written, or printed, any such matter or thing in any other manner, shall, for every such offence, forfeit the sum of five pounds.

XXV. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That every officer of each court, & every justice of the peace or other person within the said colonies & plantations, who shall issue any writ or process upon which a duty is by this act payable, shall, at the issuing thereof, set down upon such writ or process the day & year of his issuing the same, which shall be entered upon a remembrance, or in a book to be kept for that purpose, setting forth the abstract of such writ or process; upon pain to forfeit the sum of ten pounds for every such offence.

XXVI. And, for the better collecting & securing the duties hereby charged on pamphlets containing more than one sheet of paper as aforesaid, be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That from & after the said first day of November, one thousand seven hundred & sixty five, one printed copy of every pamphlet which shall be printed or published within any of the said colonies or plantations, shall within the space of fourteen days after the printing thereof, be brought to the chief distributor in the colony or plantations where such pamphlet shall be printed, & the title thereof, with the number of the sheets contained therein, & the duty hereby charged thereon, shall be registered or entered in a book to be there kept for that purpose; which duty shall be thereupon paid to the proper officer or officers appointed to receive the same, or his or their deputy or clerk, who shall thereupon forthwith give a receipt for the same on such printed copy, to denote the payment of the duty hereby charged on such pamphlet; & if any such pamphlet shall be printed or published , & the duty hereby charged thereon shall not be duly paid, & the title & number or sheets shall not be registered, & a receipt for such duty given on one copy, where required so to be, within the time herein before for that purpose limited; that then the author, printer, & publisher, & all other persons concerned in or about the printing or publishing of such pamphlet, shall, for every such offence, forfeit the sum of ten pounds, & shall lose all property therein, & in every other copy thereof, so as any person may freely print & publish the same, paying the duty payable in respect thereof by virtue of this act, without being liable to any action, prosecution, or penalty for so doing.

XXVII. And it is hereby further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That no person whatsoever shall sell or expose to sale any such pamphlet, or any news paper, without the true respective name or names, & place or places of abode, of some known person or persons by or for whom the same was really & truly printed or published, shall be written or printed thereon; upon pain that every person offending therein shall, for every such offence, forfeit the sum of twenty pounds.

XXVIII. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That no officer appointed for distributing stamped vellum, parchment, or paper, in the said colonies or plantations, shall sell or deliver any stamped paper for printing any pamphlet, or any publick news, intelligence, or occurrences, to be contained in one sheet, or any lesser piece of paper, unless such person shall give security to the said officer, for the payment of the duties for the advertisements which shall be printed therein or thereupon.

XXIX. And whereas it may be uncertain how many printed copies of the said printed news papers or pamphlets, to be contained in one sheet or in a lesser piece of paper, may be sold; & to the intent the duties hereby granted thereupon may not be lessened by printing a less number than may be sold, out of a fear of a loss thereby in printing more such copies than will be sold; it is hereby provided, & be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That the proper officer or officers appointed for managing the said stamp duties, shall & may cancel, or cause to be cancelled, all the stamps upon the copies of any impression of any news paper or pamphlet contained in one sheet, or any lesser piece of paper, which shall really & truly remain unsold, & of which no profit or advantage has been made; & upon oath, or if by a quaker, upon solemn affirmation, made before a justice of the peace, or other proper magistrate, that all such copies, containing the stamps so tendered to be cancelled, are really & truly remaining unsold, & that none of the said copies have been fraudulently returned or rebought, or any profit or advantage made thereof; which oath or affirmation such magistrate is hereby authorized to administer, & to examine upon oath or affirmation into all circumstances relating to the selling or disposing of such printed copies, shall & may deliver, or cause to be delivered, the like number of other sheets, half sheets, or less pieces of paper, properly stamped with the same respective stamps, upon payment made for such paper, but no duty shall be taken for the stamps thereon; any thing herein contained to the contrary notwithstanding: & the said commissioners for managing the stamp duties for the time being are hereby empowered, from time to time, to make such rules & orders for regulating the methods, & limiting the times, for such cancelling & allowances as aforesaid, with respect to such news papers & pamphlets, as they shall, upon experience & consideration of the several circumstances, find necessary or convenient, for the effectual securing the duties thereon, & doing justice to the persons concerned in the printing & publishing thereof.

XXX. Provided always, & be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That any officer or officers employed by the said commissioners for managing the stamp duties, shall & may deliver to any person, by or for whom any almanack or almanacks shall have been printed, paper marked or stamped according to the true intent & meaning hereof, for the printing such almanack or almanacks, upon his or her giving sufficient security to pay the amount of the duty hereby charged thereon, within the space of three months after such delivery; & that the said officer or officers, upon bringing to him or them any number of the copies of such almanacks, within the space of three months from the said delivery & request to him or them in that behalf made, shall cancel all the stamps upon such copies, & abate to every such person so much of the money due upon such security as such cancelled stamps shall amount to.

XXXI. Provided always, That where any almanack shall contain more than one sheet of paper, it shall be sufficient to stamp only one of the sheets or pieces of paper upon which such almanack shall be printed, & to pay the duty accordingly.

XXXII. And it is hereby further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That from & after the said first day of November, one thousand seven hundred & sixty five, in case any person or persons, within any of the said colonies or plantations, shall sell, hawk, carry about, utter, or expose to sale, any almanacks, or calendar, or any news paper, or any book, pamphlet, or paper, deemed or construed to be, or serving the purpose of, an almanack or news paper, within the intention & meaning of this act, not being stamped or marked as by this act is directed; every such person, shall for every such offence, forfeit the sum of forty shillings.

XXXIII. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That from & after the said first day of November, one thousand seven hundred & sixty five, the full sum or sums of money, or other valuable consideration received, or in any wise directly or indirectly given, paid, agreed, or contracted, for, with, or in relation to any clerk or apprentice, within any of the said colonies or plantations, shall be truly inserted, or written in words at length, in some indenture or other writing which shall contain the covenants, articles, contracts, or agreements, relating to the service of such clerk or apprentice; & shall bear date upon the day of signing, sealing, or other execution of the same, upon pain that every master or mistress to or with whom, or to whose use, any sum of money, or other valuable consideration whatsoever, shall be given, paid, secured, or contracted, for or in respect of any such clerk or apprentice, which shall not be truly & fully so inserted & specified in some such indenture, or other writing, shall, for every such offence, forfeit double the sum, or double the amount of any valuable consideration so given, paid, agreed, secured, or contracted for; to be sued for & recovered at any time, during the term specified in the indenture or writing for the service of such clerk or apprentice, or within one year after the determination thereof; & that all such indentures, or other writings, shall be brought, within the space of three months, to the proper officer or officers, appointed by the said commissioners for collecting the said duties within the respective colony or plantation; & the duty hereby charged for the sums, or other valuable consideration inserted therein, shall be paid by the master or mistress of such clerk or apprentice to the said officer or officers, who shall give receipts for such duty on the back of such indentures or other writings; & in case the duty shall not be paid within the time before limited, such master or mistress shall forfeit double the amount of such duty.

XXXIV. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That all indentures or writings within the said colonies or plantations, relating to the service of clerks or apprentices, wherein shall not be truly inserted or written the full sum or sums of money, or other valuable consideration, received, or in any wise directly or indirectly given, paid, agree, secured, or contracted for, with, or in relation to any such clerk or apprentice, & a receipt given for the same by the officer or officers aforesaid, or whereupon the duties payable by this act shall not be duly paid or lawfully tendered, according to the tenor & true meaning of this act, within the time herein for that purpose limited, shall be void & not available in any court or place, or to any purpose whatsoever.

XXXV. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That if any master or mistress of any clerk or apprentice shall neglect to pay the said duty, within the time herein before limited, & any such clerk or apprentice shall in that case pay, or cause to be paid, to the amount of double the said duty, either during the term of such clerkship or apprenticeship, or within one year after the determination thereof, such master or mistress not having then paid the said double duty although required by such clerk or apprentice so to do; then, & in such case, it shall & may be lawful to & for any such clerk or apprentice, within three months after such payment of the said double duty, to demand of such master or mistress, or his or her executors or administrators, such sums or sums of money, or valuable consideration, as was or were paid to such master or mistress, for or in respect of such clerkship or apprenticeship; & in case such sum or sums of money, or valuable consideration, shall not be paid within three months after such demand there made, it shall & may be lawful to & for any such clerk or apprentice, or any other person or persons on his or her behalf, to sue for & recover the same, in such manner as any penalty hereby inflicted may be sued for & recovered; & such clerks or apprentices shall, immediately after payment of such double duty, be & are hereby discharged from their clerkships or apprenticeships, & from all actions, penalties, forfeitures, & damages, for not serving the time for which they were respectively bound, contracted for, or agreed to serve, & shall have such & the same benefit & advantage of the time they shall respectively have continued with & served such masters or mistress; as they would have been entitled to in case such duty had been paid by such master or mistress, within the time herein before limited for that purpose.

XXXVI. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That all printed indentures, or contracts for binding clerks or apprentices, after the said first day of November, one thousand seven hundred & sixty five, within the said colonies & plantations, shall have the following notice or memorandum printed under the same, or added thereto, videlicet,

THE indenture must bear date the day it is executed, & the money or other thing, given or contracted for with the clerk or apprentice, must be inserted in words at length, & the duty paid, & a receipt given on the back of the indenture, by the distributor of stamps, or his substitute, within three months after the execution of such indenture, under the penalties inflicted by law.

And if any printer, stationer, or other person or persons, within any of the said colonies or plantations, or any other part of his Majesty’s dominions, shall sell, or cause to be sold, any such indenture or contract, without such notice or memorandum being printed under the same, or added thereto; then, & in every such case, such printer, stationer, or other person or persons, shall for every such offence, forfeit the sum of ten pounds.

XXXVII. And, for the better securing the said duty on playing cards & dice; be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That from & after the said first day of November, one thousand seven hundred & sixty five, no playing cards or dice shall be sold, exposed to sale, or used in play, within the said colonies or plantations, unless the paper & thread inclosing, or which shall have inclosed, the same, shall be or shall be also marked or stamped on the spotted or painted side thereof with such mark or marks as shall have been provided in pursuance of this act, upon pain that every person who shall sell, or expose to sale, any such cards or dice which shall not have been so respectively sealed, marked, or stamped, as hereby is respectively required, shall forfeit for every pack or parcel of cards, & every one of such dice so sold or exposed to sale, the sum of ten pounds.

XXXVIII. And it is hereby enacted by the authority aforesaid, That if any person within the said colonies or plantations, or any other part of his Majesty’s dominions, shall sell or buy any cover or label which has been made use of for the inclosing any pack or parcel of cards; every person so offending shall, for every such offence, forfeit twenty pounds.

XXXIX. Provided always, & be it enacted by the authority aforesaid, That if either the buyer or seller of any such cover or label shall inform against the other party concerned in buying or selling such cover or label, the party so informing shall be admitted to give evidence against the party informed against, & shall be indemnified against the said penalties.

XL. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That if any person or persons shall fraudulently inclose any parcel or pack of playing cards in any outside paper so sealed & stamped as aforesaid, the same having been made use of for the purpose aforesaid; then, so often, & in every such case, every person so offending in any of the particulars before-mentioned, shall, for every such offence, forfeit the sum of twenty pounds.

XLI. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That from & after the said first of November, one thousand seven hundred & sixty five, every clerk, officer, & other person employed or concerned in granting, making out, or delivering licences for retailing spirituous liquors or wine within any of the said colonies or plantations, shall, & he is hereby required & directed, within two months after delivering any such licences, to transmit, to the chief distributor of stamped vellum, parchment, & paper, a true & exact list or account of the number of licences so delivered, in which shall be inserted the names of the persons licensed, & the places where they respectively reside; & if any such clerk, officer, or other person shall refuse or neglect to transmit any such list or account to such distributor, or shall transmit a false or untrue one, then, & in every such case, such clerk, officer, or other person, shall, for every such offence, forfeit fifty pounds.

XLII. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That licences for selling or uttering by retail spirituous liquors or wine within any of the said colonies & plantations, shall be in force & serve for no longer than one year from the date of each licence respectively.

XLIII. Provided nevertheless, & be it enacted by the authority aforesaid, That if any person licenced to sell spirituous liquors or wines, shall die or remove from the house or place wherein such spirituous liquors or wine shall, by virtue of such licence, be sold, it shall & may be lawful for the executors, administrators, or assigns of such person so dying or removing, who shall be possessed of such house or place, or for any occupier of such house of place, to sell spirituous liquors or wine therein during the residue of the term for which such licence shall have been granted, without any new licence to be had or obtained in that behalf; any thing to the contrary thereof in any wise notwithstanding.

XLIV. And it is hereby enacted by the authority aforesaid, That if any person or persons shall sell or utter by retail, that is to say, in any less quantity than one gallon at any one time, any kind of wine, or any liquor called or reputed wine, or any kind of spirituous liquors, in the said colonies or plantations without taking out such licence yearly & every year, he, she, or they so offending shall, for every such offence, forfeit the sum of twenty pounds..

XLV. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That every person who shall retail spirituous liquors or wine in any prison or house of correction, or any workhouse appointed or to be appointed for the reception of poor persons within any of the said colonies or plantations, shall be deemed a retailer of spirituous liquors or wine within this act.

XLVI. Provided always, & be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That if at any time after the said first day of November, one thousand seven hundred & sixty five, there shall not be any provision made for licensing the retailers of wine or spirituous liquors, within any of the said colonies or plantations; then, & in every such case, & during such time as no provision shall be made, such licences shall & may be granted for the space of one year, & renewed from time to time by the governor or commander in chief of every such respective colony or plantation. 

XLVII. And it is hereby further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That every person who shall at any one time buy of any chief distributor within any of the said colonies or plantations, vellum, parchment, or paper, the duties whereof shall amount to five pounds sterling money of Great Britain, or upwards shall be allowed after the rate of four pounds per centum, upon the prompt payment of the said duties to such chief distributor.

XLVIII. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That all publick clerks or officers within the said colonies or plantations, who shall from time to time have in their custody any publick books, or other matters or things hereby charged with a stamp duty, shall at any seasonable time or times, permit any officer or officers thereunto authorized by the said commissioners for managing the stamp duties, to inspect & view all such publick books, matters, & things, & to take thereout such notes & memorandums as shall be necessary for the purpose of ascertaining or securing the said duties, without fee or reward; upon pain that every such clerk or other officer who shall refuse or neglect so to do, upon reasonable request in that behalf made, shall, for every such refusal or neglect, forfeit the sum of twenty pounds.

XLIX. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That the high treasurer of Great Britain, or the commissioners of his Majesty’s treasury, or any three or more of such commissioners, for the time being, shall once in every year at least, set the prices at which all sorts of stamped vellum, parchment, & paper, shall be sold by the said commissioners for managing the stamp duties, & their officers; & that the said commissioners for the said duties shall cause such prices to be marked upon every such skin & piece of vellum & parchment, & sheet & piece paper: & if any officer or distributor to be appointed by virtue of this act, shall sell, or cause to be sold, any vellum, parchment, or paper, for a greater or higher price or sum, than the price or sum so set or affixed thereon; every such officer or distributor shall, for every such offence, forfeit the sum of twenty pounds.
L. And be it also enacted by the authority aforesaid, That the several officers who shall be respectively employed in the raising, receiving, collecting, or paying, the several duties hereby charged, within the said colonies & plantations, shall every twelve months, or oftener, if thereunto required by the said commissioners for managing the said duties, exhibit his & their respective account & accounts of the said several duties upon oath, or if a quaker upon affirmation, in the presence of the governor, or commander in chief, or principal judge of the colony or plantation where such officer shall be respectively resident, in such manner as the high treasurer, or the commissioners of the treasury, or any three or more of such commissioners for the time being, shall, from time to time, direct & appoint, in order that the same may be immediately afterwards transmitted by the said officer or officers to the commissioners for managing the said duties, to be comptrolled & audited according to the usual course & form of comptrolling & auditing the accounts of the stamp duties arising within this kingdom: & if any of the said officers shall neglect or refuse to exhibit any such account, or to verify the same upon oath or affirmation, or to transmit any such account so verified to the commissioner for managing the said duties, in such manner & within such time, as shall be so appointed or directed; or shall neglect or refuse to pay, or cause to be paid, into the hands of the receiver general of the stamp duties in Great Britain, or to such other person or persons as the high treasurer, or commissioners of the treasury, or any three or more of such commissioners for the time being, shall, from time to time, nominate or appoint, the monies respectively raised, levied, & received, by such officers under the authority of this act, at such times, & in such manner, as they shall be respectively required by the said high treasurer, or commissioners of the treasurer; or if any such officers shall divert, detain, or misapply, all or any part of the said monies so by them respectively raised, levied, & received, or shall knowingly return any person or persons insuper for any monies or other things duly answered, paid, or accounted for, by such person or persons, whereby he or they shall sustain any damage or prejudice; in every such case, every such officer shall be liable to pay trebled the value of all & every sum & sums of money so diverted or misapplied; & shall also be liable to pay treble damages to the party grieved, by returning him insuper.

LI. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That the commissioners, receiver or receivers general, or other person or persons, who shall be respectively employed in Great Britain, in the directing, receiving, or paying, the monies arising by the duties hereby granted, shall, & are hereby required, between the tenth day of October & the fifth day of January following, & so from year to year, at those times, to exhibit their respective accounts thereof to his Majesty’s auditors of the imprest in England for the time being, or one of them, to be declared before the high treasurer, or commissioners of the treasury & chancellor of the exchequer for the time being, according to the course of the exchequer.

LII. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That if the same commissioners for managing the said duties, or the said receiver or receivers general, shall neglect or refuse to pay into the exchequer all or any of the said monies, in such manner as they are required by this act to pay the same, or shall divert or misapply any part thereof; then they, & every of them so offending, shall be liable to pay double the value of all & every sum & sums of money so diverted or misapplied.

LIII. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That the comptroller or comptrollers for the time being of the duties hereby imposed, shall keep perfect & distinct accounts in books fairly written of all the monies arising by the said duties; & if any such comptroller or comptrollers shall neglect his or their duty therein, then he or they, for every such offence, shall forfeit the sum of one hundred pounds.

LIV. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That all the monies which shall arise by the several rates & duties hereby granted (except the necessary charges of raising, collecting, recovering, answering, paying, & accounting for the same, & the necessary charges from time to time incurred in relation to this act, & the execution thereof) shall be paid into the receipt of his Majesty’s exchequer, & shall be entered separate & apart from all other monies, & shall be there reserved to be from time to time disposed of by parliament, towards further defraying the necessary expences of defending, protecting, & securing, the said colonies & plantations.

LV. And whereas, it is proper that some provision should be made for payment of the necessary expences which have been, & shall be incurred in relation to this act, & the execution thereof; & of the orders & rules to be established under the authority of the same, before the said duties shall take effect, or the monies arising thereby shall be sufficient to discharge such expences; be it therefore enacted by the authority aforesaid, That his Majesty may, & he is hereby impowered by any warrant or warrants under his royal sign manual, at any time or times before the twentieth day of April, one thousand seven hundred & sixty six, to cause to be issued & paid out of any of the surplusses, excesses, overplus monies, & other revenues composing the fund commonly called The sinking fund (except such monies of the said sinking fund as are appropriated to any particular use or uses, by any former act or acts of parliament in that behalf) such sum & sums of money as shall be necessary to defray the said expences; & the monies so issued, shall be reimbursed, by payment into the exchequer of the like sum or sums out of the first monies which shall arise by virtue of this act; which monies, upon the payment thereof into the exchequer, shall be carried to the account, & made part of the said fund.

LVI. And it is hereby further enacted & declared, That all the powers & authorities by the act granted to the commissioners for managing the duties upon stamped vellum, parchment, & paper, shall & may be fully & effectually carried into execution by any three or more of the said commissioners; any thing herein before contained to the contrary notwithstanding.

LVII. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That all forfeitures & penalties incurred after the twenty ninth day of September, one thousand seven hundred & sixty five, for offences committed against an act passed in the fourth year of the reign of his present Majesty, intituled, An act for granting certain duties in the British colonies & plantations in America; for continuing, amending, & making perpetual, an act passed in the sixth year of the reign of his late majesty King George the Second, intituled, An act for the better securing & encouraging the trade of his Majesty’s sugar colonies in America; for applying the produce of such duties, & of the duties to arise by virtue of the said act, towards defraying the expences of defending, protecting, & securing the said colonies & plantations; for explaining an act made in twenty fifth year of the reign of King Charles the Second, intituled, An act for the encouragement of the Greenland & Eastland trades, & for the better securing the plantation trade; & for altering & disallowing several drawbacks on exports from this kingdom, & more effectually preventing the clandestine conveyance of goods to & from the said colonies & plantations, & improving & securing the trade between the same & Great Britain, & for offences committed against any other act or acts of parliament relating to the trade or revenues of the said colonies or plantations; shall & may be prosecuted, sued for, & recovered, in any court of record, or in any court of admiralty, in the respective colony or plantation where the offence shall be committed, or in any court of vice admiralty appointed or to be appointed, & which shall have jurisdiction within such colony, plantation, or place, (which courts of admiralty or vice admiralty are hereby respectively authorized & required to proceed, hear, & determine the same) at the election of the informer or prosecutor.

LVIII. And it is hereby further enacted & declared by the authority aforesaid, That all sums of money granted & imposed by this act as rates or duties, & also all sums of money imposed as forfeitures or penalties, & all sums of money required to be paid, & all other monies herein mentioned, shall be deemed & taken to be sterling money of Great Britain, & shall be collected, recovered, & paid, to the amount of the value which such nominal sums bear in Great Britain; & that such monies shall & may be received & taken, according to the proportion & value of five shillings & six pence the ounce in silver; & that all the forfeitures & penalties hereby inflicted, & which shall be incurred, in the said colonies & plantations, shall & may be prosecuted, sued for, & recovered, in any court of record, or in any court of admiralty, in the respective colony or plantation where the offence shall be committed, or in any court of vice admiralty appointed or to be appointed, & which shall have jurisdiction within such colony, plantation, or place, (which courts of admiralty or vice admiralty are hereby respectively authorized & required to proceed, hear, & determine the same,) at the election of the informer or prosecutor; & that from & after the twenty ninth day of September, one thousand seven hundred & sixty five, in all cases, where any suit or prosecution shall be commenced & determined for any penalty or forfeiture inflicted by this act, or by the same act made in the fourth year of his present Majesty’s reign, or by any other act of parliament relating to the trade or revenues of the said colonies or plantations, in any court of admiralty in the respective colony or plantation where the offence shall be committed, either party, who shall think himself aggrieved by such determination, may appeal from such determination to any court of vice admiralty appointed or to be appointed, & which shall have jurisdiction within such colony, plantation, or place, (which court of vice admiralty is hereby authorized & required to proceed, hear, & determine such appeal) any law, custom, or usage, to the contrary notwithstanding; & the forfeitures & penalties hereby inflicted, which shall be incurred in any other part of his Majesty’s dominions, shall & may be prosecuted, sued for & recovered, with full costs of suit, in any court of record within the kingdom, territory, or place, where the offence shall be committed, in such & the same manner as any debt or damage, to the amount of such forfeiture or penalty, can or may be sued for & recovered.

LIX. And it is hereby further enacted, That all the forfeitures & penalties hereby inflicted shall be divided, paid, & applied, as follows; (that is to say) one third part of all such forfeitures & penalties recovered in the said colonies & plantations, shall be paid into the hands of one of the chief distributors of stamped vellum, parchment, & paper, residing in the colony or plantation wherein the offender shall be convicted, for the use of his Majesty, his heirs, & successors; one third part of the penalties & forfeitures, so recovered, to the governor or commander in chief of such colony or plantation; & the other third part therefore, to the person who shall inform or sue for the same; & that one moiety of all such penalties & forfeitures recovered in any other parts of his Majesty’s dominions, shall be to the use of his Majesty, his heirs, & successors, & the other moiety thereof, to the person who shall inform or sue for the same.

LX. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That all the offences which are by this act made felony, & shall be committed within any part of his Majesty’s dominions, shall & may be heard, tried, & determined, before any court of law within the respective kingdom, territory, colony, or plantation, where the offence shall be committed, in such & the same manner as all other felonies can or may be heard, tried, & determined, in such court.

LXI. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That all the present governors or commanders in chief of any British colony or plantation, shall, before the said first day of November, one thousand seven hundred & sixty five, & all who hereafter shall be made governors or commanders in chief of the said colonies or plantations, or any of them, before their entrance into their government, shall take a solemn oath to do their utmost, that all & every clauses contained in this present act be punctually & bona fide observed, according to the true intent & meaning thereof, so far as appertains unto the said governors or commanders in chief respectively, under the like penalties, forfeitures, & disabilities, either for neglecting to take the said oath, or for wittingly neglecting to do their duty accordingly, as are mentioned & expressed in an act made in the seventh & eighth year of the reign of King William the Third, intituled, An act for preventing frauds, & regulating abuses, in the plantation trade; & the said oath hereby required to be taken, shall be administered by such person or persons as hath or have been, or shall be, appointed to administer the oath required to be taken by the said act made in the seventh & eighth year of the reign of King William the Third.

LXII. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That all records, writs, pleadings, & other proceedings in all courts whatsoever, & all deeds, instruments, & writings whatsoever, hereby charged, shall be ingrossed & written in such manner as they have been usually accustomed to be ingrossed & written, or are now ingrossed & written within the said colonies & plantations.

LXIII. And it is hereby further enacted, That if any person or persons shall be sued or prosecuted, either in Great Britain or America, for any thing done in pursuance of this act, such person & persons shall & may plead the general issue, & give this act & the special matter in evidence; & if it shall appear so to have been done, the jury shall find for the defendant or defendants: & if the plaintiff or plaintiffs shall become nonsuited, or discontinue his or their action after the defendant or defendants shall have appeared, or if judgement shall be given upon any verdict or demurrer against the plaintiff or plaintiffs, the defendant or defendants shall recover treble costs & have the like remedy for the same, as defendants have in other cases by law.

Massachusetts-born painter Ralph Earl (1751-1801) was known primarily for his portraits. By 1774, he was working in New Haven, Connecticut, as a portrait painter. In 1775, Earl visited Lexington & Concord, which were the sites of recent battles between the colonists & the British. Working in collaboration with the engraver Amos Doolittle, Earl drew 4 battle scenes that were used as pro-Revolutionary propaganda prints.  As it turned out, although his father was a colonel in the Revolutionary army, Earl himself was apparently a Loyalist.  In 1778, he  escaped to England by disguising himself as the servant of British army captain John Money.  These prints are at the New York City Public Library.
Ralph Earl (American artist, 1751-1801) Plate II A view of the town of Concord The Doolittle engravings of the battles of Lexington & Concord in 1775. Amos Doolittle (engraver) & Ralph Earl

Ralph Earl (American artist, 1751-1801) Plate III The engagement at the North Bridge in Concord The Doolittle engravings of the battles of Lexington & Concord in 1775. Amos Doolittle (engraver) & Ralph Earl

Ralph Earl (American artist, 1751-1801) Plate IV A view of the south part of Lexington The Doolittle engravings of the battles of Lexington & Concord in 1775. Amos Doolittle (engraver) & Ralph Earl

On July 13, 1769, Mary Wright Cooper wrote in her diary, "This day is forty years sinc I left my father’s house & come here, & here have I seene littel els but harde labour & sorrow, crosses of every kind. I think in every repect the state of my affairs is more then forty times worse then when I came here first, except that I am nearer the desierered haven."

Mary's family had long been a part of Oyster Bay. Her ancestor Peter Wright was called the Father of Oyster Bay. Originally inhabited by the Matinecock Indians, Oyster Bay was founded by the Dutch in 1615.  When the Dutch settled there, they named the area for the rich beds of shellfish that flourished in the surrounding waters.
In 1653, English colonists Peter Wright, Samuel Mayo & the Rev. William Leverich came from Cape Cod & settled near Oyster Bay Harbor.  During the colonial era, Oyster Bay had a reputation as a hotbed of smuggling, & it was Captain Kidd's last port of call before sailing to Boston, where he was arrested, transported to London & hanged .

Mary's parents, William Wright (1680-1759) & Elizabeth Rhodes (1689-1734), had been born on Long Island. Mary had 7 siblings, 3 of whom died young: John Wright (1707-1750); Ann Wright (1710-died young); Elizabeth Wright (1712-1733); William Wright (1715-died young); Sarah Wright (1719-1780); Elizabeth Wright (1723-1770); & Caleb Wright (1730-1752).

Mary was married, before her last 2 siblings were born. Although Mary's mother died when she was 20, she remained close to her father & remembered his death years later.  Mary Wright was only 14, when she married Joseph Cooper (b 1705) in 1728, in St. George's Chapel, Hempstead, Long Island, New York.

By the age of 18, she had her first child. Mary Wright & Thomas Cooper had 6 children: Elizabeth Ann Cooper (1734-1755); Martha Cooper (1737-1749); Esther Cooper (1744-1778); Mercy Cooper (1750-died young); Caleb Cooper (1754-died young); & Isaac Cooper (1756-died young). Mary was especially touched by the death of her baby son, Isaac.

Mary began her diary at age 54, continuing from 1768-1773, while tending the family farm & providing meals & rooms for travelers along their busy road, with her husband at Oyster Bay on Long Island, New York.  Her diary entries are often brief & cryptic, but they do give us an insight into the hardships, both emotional & physical, experienced in everyday life working on the land. They also give us a glimpse of the impact of faith on their lives, as many looked to the teachings of English evangelist George Whitefield (1714-1770).
Whitefield briefly served as a parish priest in Savannah, Georgia in 1738; visited the colonies 7 times; & died at Newburyport, Massachusetts in 1770. He was one of the chief movers of the Great Awakening & the Methodist movement. The adoption of his methods at church meetings by the Baptists was responsible for their schism into the New Lights, who followed him, & the Regulars, who adhered to the old way & disparaged revivals. Mary's diary covers the height of his American years.

1768
October the 3, Tuesday. Dear Lord, bless the day to us & prosper the worke of our hands. A fine warm day. Ms. Weekes com here to make my gown.

[October 5] Wednsday. A very warme rain most of the day. Sent wheate to mill...

[October 11] Tuesday. Like for rain. Wee are much hurried drying appels. Extreeme high wind this night but no rain.

[October 12] [We]dnsday. Fine clear day. Much hurried drying appels...

[November 17] Thirsday. A fine clear & still day...Evening. I am much tired cookeing & washing dishes. Evening Epreham went home with the girls but come bak again.

November the 18, Friday. A fine warm day with a south wind. Ester & Epreham is gon to Huntan Town to carry my coverleds to the weaver...

November the 20, Sabbath. A very grevous storme of rain & snow. It has beene a tiresom day to me. It is now bed time & I have not had won minuts rest today.

[December 23] Friday. Very cold with a north west wind that blows the snow all day. We are cleaning the house. I am tired almost to death.

[December 24] Saterday. Very cold. I am tired almost to death. Rachel (wife of Mary's nephew) is gone to town. We are a lone. I am drying & ironing my cloths til allmost brake of day. This evening is the Newlights’ Covnant meeten. I am thinking of the events of tomorrow with greate delight. O Lord, prepare us to selebrate the day of thy nitevity & o my Savour be neare to them that shall commorate thy dying love the day ensuing.

December the 25, Sabbath. Christmas. A fine clear day. The sun shines warm. Oh, may the sun of righteousness arise with healing in his wings. Peter Underhill gave out the breade & wine this day to some whose hearts the Lord had touched. Though I sat in the meeten with great delight, yet I came home with a heavy hearte. I went to meeten in the slay with Whippo & come home with John Wright & Nicolas & their sister Anne Crooker (children of Mary's brother John)...1769...
[January 7] Saterday. A fine clear & still morning with white frost on the ground but soone clouds over. Some hail but soone turns to a small rain & mist. Sister gone home. Evening. O, I am tired almost to death waiteing on visseters. My feet ach as if the bones was laid bare. Not one day’s rest have I had this weeke. I have no time to take care of my cloths or even to think my thoughts...

[February 12] Sabbath. Something cold still. I hoped for some rest but am forst to get dinner & slave hard all day long Old George Weekes here. Hannah & Edd Weeks here...

Febeaury the 19, Sabbath. Fine warme & still as yesterday & more so. I went to the Newlig[ht] meeten with greate delight & offer my self to be a member with them. seemed to be very glad but I was sudingly seased with a great horror & darkeness. E think darkeness as might be felt. O, my God, why hast thou forsaken me. Thou knowest that in the sinsarity & uprightness of my hearte I have done this, moved as I did belive by Thy spirit. Evening, I came home before the worship began, most distrest.

[February 20] Moonday. Fine warme weather. O, I am in greate darkness still...

Feabery the 26, Sabbath. A storm of rain with a north east wind. The wind & rain cease by the midel of the afternoon. I feel dul & distrest & did not go to meeten...

[M]arch the 12, Sabbath. Much warmer & like to be a fine day. O, I am trying to fit my cloths to go to meeten in as much distres as my heart can hold. Am. L. & Eb Colw. came here. I am forced to get diner & cannot go to meten atall. Alas, how unhappy & meresabel I am. I feele banished from God & all good...

[April 14] Friday. Some clouds & wind, cold. Easter (Mary's daughter who had separated from her husband & returned home to live) gone from home on some buisness. Tabthea come here. Our people (slaves) quriel with her & Semon Cooper turned her out of doors & threw her over the fence to my greate grief & sorrow...

April the 16, 1769. Sabbath. Clear but a cold west wind. The sun shine bright to my sorrow, for had it hid his face it might have hid sorrow from my eyes...

[April 19] Wednsday. Like to be a rainey day but clear in the afternoon. I am unwell & up very late.

[April 20] Thirsday. O, I am so very sik so that I cannot set up all day nor all night. Very cold snow some hours in the day.

[April 21] Friday. Clear but cold. I feele much beter all day. Evening, I am sik again.

[April 22] Saterday. Clear but cold. O, I am sik all day long. Up very late but I have got my cloths iorned. Endurstres. (Industrious)...

[May 3] Wednesday. A fine clear morning. The early songsters warbling their notes & all nature seemes to smile, but a darke cloud hangs continuly over my soul & makes the days & nights pass heavily along.

[May 4] Thirsday. A fine clear morning. I went frome hom on some buisness. Come home disopinted.

May the 6, 1769, Saterday. A fine warme day. Cleare & pleasant. I a hurred, dirty & distresed as ever.

[May 7] Sabbath. I am much distrest. No cloths irond, freted & tired almost to death & forst to stay at home.

[May 13] Saterday. Much hard worke, dirty & distrest. This night is our Covnant meeten but I cannot go to my greate surprise. Sister comes here this night much distrest about her sons. We seeme to have little or no sence of any thing but our troubels.

May the 14, Sabbath. Very hot weather. We went to meeten senceles dull & sleepe.

[May 15] Moonday. Very hot. We began to cleane house much hurried.

[May 16] Tuesday. Exceeding hot. Linde here. Evening. Peter here. We are all very dul & lifeless. Oh Lord, direct our ways...

June the 1, 1769, Thirsday. A most vemant cold north east wind. We all went to the Quaker meeten where a multitude were geathered to here a woman preach that lately come from England, & a most amebel woman she is. Tex: “Of the leaven put in three masuess of meal...”

July the 13, 1769, Thirsday. This day is forty years sinc I left my father’s house & come here, & here have I seene littel els but harde labour & sorrow, crosses of every kind. I think in every repect the state of my affairs is more then forty times worse then when I came here first, except that I am nearer the desierered haven. A fine clear cool day. I am un well.

August the 1. New moon this morning. Tuesday. A fine clear cool morning. I feele much distrest, fearing I shall hear from some of my credtors. Afternoon, I have done my worke & feele something more comfortabl. I went to Salle Wheeler’s to meet Ester & Salle but am sent after in greate hurre. Ben Hildrith is come here in a littel boate with two men with him. I am up late & much freted them & their two dogs which they keep att tabel & in the bedroom with them.

[August 2] Wednesday. The first I hearde this morning was Ben’s dogs barking & yeling in the bed room. They did nothing but drink them selves drunk all the day long & sent for more rum.

[August 3] Thirsday. The wind is not fare to go home, so they cary the girls to town in the boate. Ben behaved like a blackgarde soundrel & as if he had been hurried by the devil

[August 4] Friday. They set sail to go home to my great joy, & I desier I may never see them here again. I greately dread the cleaning of house after this detested gang.

[August 5] Saterday. A fin clear cool day. Much hard worke cleaneing the house. An old Indian come here to day that lets fortans & ueses charmes to cure tooth ach & drive away rats. O Lord, thou knowest that my soul abhors these abominations. Lay not this sin to my charge. On Thirsday I had an extreme pain in my back & hip so th I could not go with out cryin out...

August the 20, Sabbath. Like for rain but the shower went by us. I & Ester went to meeten. Some Indans & one Black man com from Montalk. Ben Jethrow & Siah Baman preach all day long & while late in the night. I & Ester come home alone very late in the night. I fell in the Brook. I am tired & very much distrest...

[August 23] Wednsday. A fine clear morning with a cold north wind. My hearte is burnt with anger & discontent, want of every nessesary thing in life & in constant feare of gapeing credtors consums my strength & wasts my days. The horrer of these things with the continued cross of my family, like to so many horse leeches, prays upon my vitals, & if the Lord does not prevent will bring me to the house appointed for all liveing. Salle Burtis here...

August the 27, 1769, Sabbath. Very gretely hurred getting this company a way to the Greate Meten. I went to the Nigh light meeten to here a Black man preach. Felt nothing but distres. Very greately tired & freted, walkin home so fast.

[August 28] Moonday. Clear weather but not a fair wind for New England. Up late this night. I am much distrist & know now what to dow. O Lord, lead my ways & let my life be in this sight. Docter Wright come here this day.

August the 29, Tuesday. We are hurred to set said for New England, very greately against my will. The tumulting waves look frightfull. But thro infinate mercy we came safe to Mr. Hildrith house in two hours wheare we weare recived with many welcoms & used with the utmost kindness by all the famaly. Cloudy & like for rain every day this weeke but none come except some small showers, not more than due. Nothing remarkabel except that we had the heavyest bread I have ever seene. Mr. Dibel come to se us & said that he was going to change places with Epnetus for the nex Sabbath. After he had talked against Mr. Whitefield as much & something more than we could well beare to, he left us & we saw him no more. One day we went into the woods together...

[September 30] Saterday. Very high north east wind. Very cloudy most of the day. Afternoon changes to a south wind. We are very busie cooking for the work men. Evening, they eate ther supper. The more parte went away. Some stay to dance, very greatly aganst my will. Some anger about the danceing. Some time in the night come up a shower of rain & thunder. Easter & Salle was frighted very greatly & come down. Easter like to have fits.

October the 1, 1769, Sabbath. West wind & like for fair weather. Simon Cooper quarel very greately about Ester dancing. He got in a unxpresabel rage & struck her. I am going to meeten but no not how to get over the Broock, the tide is so high. I come to meeten just as they ware coming out of the house. I did not stay to the evening meeten & yet come home sometime in the night...

November the 9. This day is ten years since my father departed this life.

November the 12. Sabbath. Some small rain this morning tho it did not rain hard, yet hendered me from going to meeten. Salle & Lidg here most of the day. Clears at evening with a very harde north west wind. I & Ester went to the night meeten. We had a comfortabel meeten, but coming home the tide was high & the wind extreeme harde but throw mercy we got safe home. I went to bed very cold. We had little or no fier...

November the 19, Sabbath. Very cold, frose hard last night. We are hurreing to meeten. Siah Baman & Melat Peter is com to town. I come to town just as the meeten was out. I went to se Rebeca Weekes. Evening, we went to meeten to Phebe Weekes’ house. Siah Bamon tx: “Except ye eate the flest of the son of man & drink his blood, ye have no life in you.” Peter Undrill tx, of Abraham’s sarvant sent to take a wife for his master’s son. A very greate number of peopel was thare. I am Frances come home but the girls staid all night. We had a very happy meeten...

[December 13] Wednsday. Clears with a most frightfull harde west wind. Grows extreeme cold & freses hard all of a suding. This day is thirty seven years since my dear & amible sister Elisabeth departed this life...

1771
[January 24] Thirsday. A fine clear still morning with a white frost. This afternoon is 3 weeks since Easter & those with her took the small pox...

Febeaury the 1, 1771, Friday. Clear but a harde west wind. The Lord has brought my daughter home to me, well of the small pox. What shall I render to the Lord for all his mercys?

[February 2] Saterday. I an unwell & much aflected for fear of the small pox. I had envited some of my friends to come here to se Ester & dade17 would not let me have a turkey to roast for supper & I am so affected & ashamed about it that I feele as I should never get over it. I got to bed feard & distressed at 1 or 2 a’clok in the mornin

Feb. the 3, 1771, Sabbath. I waked up frighted much about the small pox. Fine clear weather, a west wind but not cold. Esther thought the people would a fraid of her, so we did not go to meeten. Nico & Anne went from here this morning but John all day long.

March the 10, Sabbath. This surprising storme continues yet & encreses. The hail cesses this this morning & floods of rain pores down with frightfull gusts of wind which blew away parte of the kitchen. We have hardely a dry place in the house. I suffered much this day with the wet & cold, & am up all night...

May the fifth, 1771, Sabbath. Very cold with a west wind. I went to town & found Ester in the Cove. I took her with me. We went by the New Lite meeten & so along til we come to the Quaker meeten ho[use] where we went in & hear so[me] poor preaching. O Lord, grant some lite to these poore benighted peopel. I spoke with those that I wanted to so we come back & went to the New Lite meeten & then home at night. O, I sik with the cholic. We had some showers of rain as we went...

1772
[June 27] Saterday. A fine clear pleasant day & Ester went to the Quaker meeten. one woman preach, tx: “He come to his own, but they recived him not, but as many as recived him, to them he gave power to become the sons of God.” One man preach, another woman prayd. O Lord, is not this peopel ignorant of the greate & needfull doctrine of the gospil? O thou that has the residue of the spirite, I pray the, enlitein these that set in darkness...

[August 9] Sabbath. A fine pleasant day. We hurred to meeten & a very happy meeten we had. The Christans seemes full of exersise. Five Negor men gave them selves members to the meeten.

October 15, Thirsday. Clear & warme. I went from home to carry a letter & tea cittel to Jet’s boate that is loading above Eel Creeck. I went to March Coons, to Robersons, to Prock Coon’s. I stayed a littel while att each house & then sot of with old Mrs. MCoon & Prock to find the way home. Prock wint with me to Cove Brook. We tramted up high hills, crosst woods & barran fieds, crost a find orchard full of appels, & at last arived at Cove Brook where Prock left me. In my way home I met Cus John Wright who had been in persute of the same boate. When I come home I found Bille Wright & Josh Hammon waiteing for the boate to take them in. They are going to Yorke. Jest after sundown come Jet & Ben Hawx in persute of the boate. They are going to Yorke, two...

[November 24] Tuesday. Very warme still. Dade is gon to carry the hogs to Townsend Parrish. Salle & Bette Burtis went to Docter Potter to day to take the small pox. O Lord, have mercy on them, are they not some of thy redeemed ons? Reveal thy love to them, heal thier souls & bodys & bring them home to thier mouring mother in helth & safty. New moon at 7 a’clok this night, north east wind & some littel snow but very warme. Jerushe & Sarah MCoon here. Abb Colwell here...

Christmas, December the 25 day, Friday. Warme, the sun shines bright & warme. I & Salle hurred away to meeten & staide to the night meeten. A very great white frost & very cold coming home.

[December 26] Saterday. North east wind & rain but not cold. Ruth & some man to be baptised at Samuel Townsend’s. I hurred a way on horse back with out any saddel, but they was gon before I got thare, so I come home in the rain & did not go down to meeten. I hearde they had a very greate meeten & 12 people offered to the church.

[December 27] Sabbath. Cloude & some small rain, very mude. A very greate meeten, some much afected, others crying out aloud. Salle unwell, I carred her to Josh Hammon’s. Ester gon to Whippo’s. His wife is unwell. Some small rain & very darke. I come home alone & had no hurt or fright thro mercy...

1773
[January 13] Wednsday. Fine clear weather, not very cold. I & Salle are going to the night meeten. I went to se Daniel parish. He told me he had a sight of me & tho I had done many things that ware good in theme selves, yet I was not in the spirite of the Gospel. O Lord, known to the is the case of every soul which thou hast made. If I have had no saveing grace all this while, but have been deciveing my self, O Lord, the gift is thine & not in my power. O Lord, now let me share with a number whome thou delitest to bless...

[March 24] Wednsday. A fine clear warme day. I felt heavy harted & so distrest that I colud hardely set up about Uncel & Aunt. After Ester was gon to se Uncel about five a’clok this afternoon the Lord met with my soul in mercy & told me that thier departed souls should mount on the wings of saraphs to the relms of etarnal day, & that thier weathered limbs should have their dusty bed like the bounding robe & made parfet in thier Savour’s righteousness. Immortal youth & beauty mount to meet their redeemer in the clouds of heaven...

May the 8, Saterday. A cold south wind. Ester & Polle come home this morning from meeten. To day is thirteene years since I parted with my son Isaac. O, sorrow & loss unspakabel...

June the 29, Tuesday. South west wind, cloude, some thunder & a fine shower of rain this after noon & a bright rain bow appeared some thing longer then uesal which raised my thoughts to the bright relms of day. I longed to se that head once crowned with thorne, that dean parson treated with scorn & cruelty for sinful me. The dasling luster of his face I faint. I can find no word to express my ideas, my greatest vews seeme to be of my Jesus seated on a throne of glory in the bright relms of etarnel day. The pleaseing luster of his eyes out shine the wonders of the skys. In raptures & sweet delight I fell a sleep. O, that my last moments may be like these...

[September 12] Sabbath. A stormy wind & some rain in the fore noon. I & Ester went to meeten the afternoon but very few peopel at meeten. I feele much distrest to se the dissolute state of the New Lite church which but few weekes past was greate & a florishing peopel. Why is it forsking & dissolate the Lord only knows. I & Ester come home in the rain...

October the 4, Monday. A fine clear warme day. My harte is full of anguish for the deplorabel state of the Newlite church. O Lord how long?...

[October 8] Friday. Warme weather. I & Ester much talk about the New Lite church...
Note: Brother John Wright married Zervia Wright, daughter of Edmond. Brother Caleb Wright married Freelove Coles, daughter of Wright Coles. Sister Sarah Wright married John Townsend, son of John Townsend. Sister Elizabeth Wright did not marry.

NB. About slaves in Oyster Bay. The Oyster Bay Historical Society has a Bill of Sale for a Slave Girl in the town in 1721.
Deed of Sale from Thomas kirby to David Vallantine for a negro Wench.
Know all Men by these Presents That I Thomas Kirby of Oyster-bay in Queens County on Nessau Island within the province of New York Yoeman, for & in considration of the Sum of Fifety-Pounds of good & Lawful Currant Money of New York to me in hand paid by Nathan Coles & David Vallantine both of Oyster bay in ye county, Island &Prov i nce aforesaid, Yoemen, where of I do hereby - acknowledge the Receipt, & am therewith fully Satisfied & contented; have Bargeined Sold Lef t over & Delivered & by these Presents do Bargein Sell & Deliver unto they the Seid Nathan Coles & David Vallantine one Negroe girl aged about two years called by name Peg, & one Bessy. The said Negroes - to have ant to hold to ye proper use & behoove of them the - Said Nathan Coles & David Vallantine theirs Executors - administrators & Assigns forever, & I the Seid Thomas Kirby for mySelf my Heirs Executors Administrators the Said Bargained Negroes unto the Said Nathan Coles & David Val lantine their Heirs Executors Administrators & Assigns - ageinst all & all Manner of Persons Shall Warrant & - forever Defend by these Presents In witness whereof with the Delivery of the Said Negroes I have hereunto Sett my hand & seal this tenth Day of January in the Year of our Lord Christ one thousand Sevenhundred & twenty one, two, & in the Eigth year of the Reign of our Sovereign Lord George of great Britain France, & Ireland King & C.
See: National Humanities Center, 2008
George Bradford Brainerd (American, 1845-1887). Camp Fire, Oyster Bay, Long Island, ca. 1872-1887

Manuscripts of the 1721 Slave Bill of Sale & of the Diary of Mary Wright Cooper, located at the Oyster Bay, New York Historical Society.

The Diary of Mary Cooper: Life on a Long Island Farm, 1768-1773, ed. Field Horne (Oyster Bay, New York, Historical Society, 1981)

Jane McCrae (sometimes spelled McCrae or MacCrae, 1752-1777) was a young woman who was purportedly slain by Native American allies of the British army’s Lieutenant General John Burgoyne. It was reported that her death at the hands of General Burgoyne’s Native American allies roused support for the patriot cause & contributed to the American victory at Saratoga. She was born near Bedminster (later Lamington), Somerset County, N.J., where her Scotch-Irish father, James McCrea, served for 26 years as a Presbyterian minister.
John Vanderlyn (American artist, 1775-1852) The Death of Jane McCrea 1804

Jane's brothers included


John McCrea, Colonel American Army
Samuel McCrea, Soldier American Army
Dr. Stephen McCrea, Surgeon American Army
Creighton McCrea, Captain in the 75th Highlanders, Queens Rangers
Robert McCrea, Captain in Queens Rangers & a Major in the 5th Royal Vet. Battalion Obviously the family loyalties were divided during the Revolution. After the war, the British side of the McCrea family settled in Guernsey, Channel Islands, UK, and have a long history of service to the British Crown from the Revolutionary War until well into the late 1800s, from the battle of Trafalgar to the campaigns in India. Loyalist Robert became governor of the Channel Islands, after the American Revolution.
Little is known of Jane’s early life. After her father’s death in 1769, she made her home with her eldest brother, John, a Princeton graduate who had practiced law in Albany, married into the Beekman family, & then settled at Northumberland, N.Y., in the upper Hudson Valley, a few miles below the frontier outpost of Fort Edward. She was at least 25 in 1777, & not the maiden of 17 or 18 depicted in legend.

In New Jersey & later in New York, she had been courted by Loyalist David Jones, whose family had also moved to the Fort Edward area. In the latter part of 1776 Jones departed with his Tory neighbors to join the British army, where he became part of the forces led by Gen. John Burgoyne. When in the summer of 1777, Burgoyne launched his invasion down the Lake Champlain-Hudson River route, most of the patriot troops & nearby residents evacuated Fort Edward. John McCrea, now a colonel, is said to have urged his sister to come with him to Albany. But Jane had received a letter from David Jones informing her that “In a few days we will march to Ft. Edward, ….where I shall have the happiness to meet you.”

Though her story was later embroidered by fancy & subject to controversy, some facts are verified. On the morning of July 27, 1777, Jane McCrea went to the home of her friend Mrs. Sarah McNeil, who was preparing to flee Fort Edward for Albany. There, shortly after noon, the 2 women were discovered & carried off by a band of Native Americans scouting in advance of Burgoyne’s army. Mrs. McNeil was subsequently delivered to the British, but Jane McCrea’s dead body -scalped & bearing bullet wounds- was found the next day near Fort Edward.

Though some historians have contended that she was accidentally shot by a party of American troops pursuing the Native Americans, the best evidence - including the later testimony of a supposed eyewitness, Samuel Standish, an Native American captive being held in the vicinity- suggests that the Native Americans probably killed her.

General Burgoyne could not punish the guilty party for fear of breaking his alliance with them. Burgoyne's inability to punish the alleged killers also undermined British assertions that they were more civilized in their conduct of the war; the dissemination of this propaganda reportedly contributed to the success of Patriot recruiting drives in New York for several years.

The propaganda war certainly received a boost after Burgoyne wrote a letter to the American general Horatio Gates, complaining about American treatment of prisoners taken in the August 17 Battle of Bennington. Gates' response to Burgoyne was widely reprinted: “That the savages of America should in their warfare mangle and scalp the unhappy prisoners who fall into their hands is neither new nor extraordinary; but that the famous Lieutenant General Burgoyne, in whom the fine gentleman is united with the soldier and the scholar, should hire the savages of America to scalp europeans and the descendants of europeans, nay more, that he should pay a price for each scalp so barbarously taken, is more than will be believed in England…Miss McCrae, a young lady lovely to the sight, of virtuous character and amiable disposition, engaged to be married to an officer of your army, was…carried into the woods, and there scalped and mangled in the most shocking manner…”

News of the killing, surrounded by its aura of romantic tragedy, spread through the colonies & overseas.  London’s 1777 Annual Register recorded that Miss McCrea’s death “struck every breast with horror.” In the House of Commons, Edmund Burke took the occasion to denounce severely the British policy of using Native American allies. Within the northern colonies, the event -which Gen. Horatio Gates, the American commander, quickly exploited for propaganda purposes- crystallized a growing indignation & uneasiness. Neutrals, alarmed for their safety, swung over to the patriot cause; patriot sentiment consolidated, & a surge of new recruits strengthened Gates’ forces.

Within 3 months came Burgoyne’s historic surrender. Col. John McCrea buried his sister at Moses Kill, near Fort Edward. It was reported that David Jones deserted Burgoyne’s army in despair & retired to the Canadian wilderness.

Soon Jane McCrea became a fabled heroine of the Revolution, celebrated in ballads & poems. Philip Freneau used her story in his 1778 “American Independence.” Joel Barlow recalled it in the 1807 The Columbiad. Mercy Warren wrote of Burgoyne’s guilt in her 1805 History…of the American Revolution. A French author turned the tale into a novel as early as 1784, & Delia Bacon made it into a play in 1839, The Bride of Fort Edward. In Philadelphia the 1799 Ricketts' Circus performed "The Death of Miss McCrea," a pantomime co-written by John Durang. John Vanderlyn painted the portrait (shown above) in 1804, and James Fenimore Cooper described similar events in his novel The Last of the Mohicans, where the captured maiden was named Dora.

In 1822, with suitable ceremonies, Jane McCrea’s remains were removed to the old Fort Edward cemetery. McCrea's remains have been moved 3 times. In 1852, they were moved to the Union Cemetery in Fort Edward. The body was exhumed again in 2003, in hopes of solving the mystery of her death.

The story of the last investigation of McCrea’s body is recorded in the Plymouth Magazine, Winter 2006, Volume XXI, No 2 written by Dr. David R. Starbuck

"What is it like to dig up an American icon—in this case the most famous woman to be murdered and scalped during the American Revolution? Over the past three years, I have worked with the remains of Jane McCrea. Her tragic death on July 27, 1777, prompted thousands of outraged Americans throughout the northern colonies to rise up against British authority because Jane had been murdered by Indians who accompanied General John Burgoyne on his march south from Canada. Jane’s death thus contributed to the great American victory later that year at the Battle of Saratoga, known as the “turning point” of the American Revolution.

"The mysterious circumstances of her death made Jane McCrea one of the best-known American women of the 18th century. In July 1777, she was living in Fort Edward, N.Y., awaiting the arrival from Canada of her fiancé, David Jones, a Tory officer with Burgoyne’s army. Most other settlers in northern New York had already fled for Albany. Only Jane and an older woman, Sara McNeil, remained behind in Sara’s house in Fort Edward. On July 27, a party of Indians was sent by Burgoyne to locate the two women and escort them back to the British camp. As the Indians approached, both women hid in the cellar; they were discovered and dragged out by their hair. The Indians mounted Jane on a horse, but Sara was forced to walk because she “was too heavy to be lifted on the horse easily.”

"What happened next has been hotly disputed by historians, but it appears that two competing bands of Indians fought over who was to receive the reward for delivering Jane to her fiancé. While we know that she was then killed and scalped, it is unclear whether her death was a deliberate murder or merely an accident. The Indians claimed afterward that an American musketball, intended for them, had mortally wounded the young Scottish-Presbyterian woman. Faced with the prospect of no reward, they scalped her and took the scalp to the British camp. David Jones recognized Jane’s hair in the middle of a pile of scalps. He recovered her body, and buried her about three miles south of Fort Edward. The colonial population intrepreted Jane’s murder as a symbol of British oppression—and American leaders manipulated her image most effectively as they organized resistance to British authority.

"The mysterious circumstances of her death made Jane McCrea one of the best-known American women of the 19th century.

"Ironically, after her first burial in 1777, Jane McCrea was later dug up and relocated twice because of her prominence as a tourist attraction. In 1822, she was moved to State Street Cemetery in the Village of Fort Edward where her remains were placed atop the brick vault of Sara McNeil (who had passed away naturally in 1799 at the age of 77). In 1852, she was exhumed again and moved to the newly-created Union Cemetery in Fort Edward. A disturbing story later appeared in a local newspaper that year, describing how the box containing Jane McCrea’s bones had been “broken open and nearly all the bones stolen,” and her bones were “scattered all over the country.” … History alone could not establish whether any of Jane McCrea’s bones still rested in her third grave in Fort Edward.

"Given the many questions surrounding the circumstances of Jane McCrea’s death and subsequent reinterments, I wrote to her oldest living relative, Mrs. Mary McCrea Deeter (then 97 years old), on May 1, 2002, and asked whether she would give her consent to an exhumation and forensics study that would establish for certain whether Jane McCrea actually rested in Union Cemetery. Upon receiving her consent, I retained an attorney to draft a petition to the Supreme Court in Washington County, N.Y., and assembled a team of forensic scientists and archaeologists including several forensic scientists from the New York State Police Forensics Investigation Center and Dr. Anthony Falsetti, head of the C.A. Pound Laboratory at the University of Florida in Gainesville. The court granted our petition in November 2002, and I chose April 9, 2003 as the date for the fourth and—we hoped—final exhumation of Jane McCrea.

"Using the skull as a starting point, scientists were able to reconstruct the features of Sara McNeil, the 77-year old female colonist who was Jane McCrea's companion in life and death.

"All between the hours of 6 a.m. and 8:30 p.m. that day, we conducted the exhumation, found the original burial trench, and discovered the remains of a 20" x 24" box containing the skeletons of two women—but only one skull, from a very old woman who had definitelynot been scalped. I was the archaeologist in the bottom of the trench, responsible for excavating the bones and passing them up to the scientists who took measurements and collected bone samples for mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) testing. We also brought in a radiologist who took x-rays to look for possible cause(s) of death. In addition to the two dozen scientists and historians who attended the exhumation, I was joined by a PSU student, Jennifer Gynan, who was one of our bucket-carriers and sifters. At the end of the day, we placed all of the bones inside a modern coffin and returned it to the grave. A Presbyterian minister said the burial service (again!), and then the process of analysis and interpretation began.

"The presence of two skeletons was utterly unexpected but, since one set of bones was from a very old woman, I acted on a hunch and contacted a descendant of Sara McNeil to find out whether there might be a modern-day maternal descendant of Sara’s from whom we could obtain an mtDNA sample for comparative testing. There was an off chance that the bones of Sara had become combined with Jane’s in 1852, and the two women might have been moved together to Union Cemetery. It took a full year for the U.S. Department of Defense to prepare a DNA sequence for the “ancient DNA” from the grave but only a couple of weeks to collect the modern DNA from a 94-year-old (seventh generation) descendant of Sara McNeil and to have the samples compared. And sure enough, they matched! Sara McNeil, Jane’s companion at the end of her life, had joined her in death.

"Our project was the subject of multiple news stories by the Associated Press, and in November 2004 we appeared on The History Channel’s “Buried Secrets of the Revolutionary War.”

"We returned to the grave on April 22, 2005 with yet another court order from the Supreme Court, and this time we were able to do a much more thorough separation of the two commingled skeletons. We prepared a reconstruction of Sara’s 77-year-old face from the skull discovered in the grave, and I experienced the thrill of showing “the face” to the descendants of Sara McNeil just before we returned both women to the ground, each with her own coffin.

"In addition to reconstructing Sara’s face, perhaps the most significant outcome of our new work was discovering that the skeleton of Jane McCrea was just as intact as that of Sara McNeil. Because of the old stories about Jane’s bones having been stolen as souvenirs, we had assumed that no more than a handful of the bones might be hers. However, this time it was possible for Anthony Falsetti to spend much more time with the bones, and as he laid out the two skeletons side-by-side on our laboratory tables, it became clear that most of the major limb bones were present from both women, but with very few surviving ribs, vertebrae, hand or foot bones. Jane McCrea’s skull was missing from the assemblage (no doubt stolen as a souvenir in 1852), so while it is now possible to describe even the face of Sara McNeil, we can only say that Jane was a petite woman, between 5' and 5'4" tall, with no evidence of any injuries on the bones that were still in the grave.

"The relatives and descendants of Jane and Sara have been quite pleased with our efforts to bring both women “back to life” and to restore to them a part of their identities. One of the very real benefits of our research is that we have prompted a flurry of new historical research into the lives of 18th-century women on the frontier of upstate New York. We have also prompted a host of questions about when we might go back into the grave for what would be the 6th time."

The Gloucester Limner JB
In nearby Baltimore, Jill and Austin Fine collected folk art for decades. One of the most endearing pieces they collected was JB by an artist dubbed the Gloucester Limner. Two other examples of his work exist at the Fenimore Art Museum in Cooperstown, New York.
The Gloucester Limner John Wharff
The Gloucester Limner Priscilla Wharff.

In 1754, Haidt left England to become the assistant pastor of a Moravian church in Philadelphia, where he continued to paint & teach painting. By the fall of 1755, he was living in Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, then the center of the Moravian church in this country.

Haidt felt that portrait painting also was important in order to express the spirit within the person. He wrote in his treatise, "One applies all energy to the face, so that it predominates above all...Each figure must immediately depict why is has been drawn...A portrait is beautiful when it is an accurate likeness and when one can see the essence of the person's face and spirit. Therefore, painters who want to paint all faces happy and make the mouths smile make a mistake. The painter must look accurately at the person he wants to paint. If he gets the opportunity to know the subject well, it is a great help to him."
Haidt's portraits of women seem to portray them as spiritual, happy, & content with their roles in Moravian community life under Zinzendorf's leadership.
Married Moravian Woman. Johann Valentin Haidt (1700-1780) Moravian Archives, Bethlehem, Pennsylvania.

The artist in Haidt did worry about the lack of color choices for his portraits of his plain-clothed congregation. "The clothes should be chosen by the painter according to the complexion of the person, as well as the background, but one will not find it easy to put this rule into practice in the congregation, so a good portrait can never or at least very seldom be painted" of fellow Moravians.

The women wore the traditional Mittel-European two-layer headdress or Haube. The only colorful aspect of their clothing were the ribbons they wore: red for young girls, pink for eligible maidens, blue for wives, and white for widows.

One Pennsylvania reader writes of the costumes, especially the tightly-fitted jackets, "Look at the lacing, the weasel waists, the odd little notch in the sleeve and the way the kerchief is arranged. 'Curiouser and curiouser,' said Alice, quite forgetting her grammar."

Johann and Susanna Nitschmann. Johann Valentin Haidt (1700-1780) Moravian Archives, Bethlehem, Pennsylvania.

Miss Anna Nitschmann. Johann Valentin Haidt (1700-1780) Moravian Archives, Bethlehem, Pennsylvania.
Many of Haidt's American paintings recording this period, its religion, & its people are located at the Moravian Archives & College in Bethlehem, Pennsylvania; the Moravian Historical Society in Nazareth, Pennsylvania; the Moravian Congregation, Lititz, Pennsylvania, and at the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
Widow Catharina Huber. Johann Valentin Haidt (1700-1780) Moravian Archives, Bethlehem, Pennsylvania.
To learn about the lives of 18C Moravian women see:

Faull, Katharine. Moravian Women's Memoirs: Their Related Lives, 1750-1820. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1997.

Smaby, Beverly Prior. "Female Piety Among 18th-Century Moravians." Pennsylvania History 64 (1997): 151-167.

Wachovia Historical Society, Winston-Salem, North Carolina & Old Salem, Inc., Winston-Salem, North Carolina 1750 Johann Valentine Haidt (1700-1780). Women portrayed as separate but sharing power at the Moravian Synod at Herrnhut.& "Forming the Single Sisters' Choir in Bethlehem." The Transactions of the Moravian Historical Society 28 (1994): 1-14

Sommer, Elisabeth W. Serving Two Masters: Moravian Brethren in Germany & North Carolina, 1727-1801. Lexington: The University Press of Kentucky, 2000.

Vogt, Peter. "A Voice for Themselves: Women as Participants in Congregational Discourse in the 18th-Century Moravian Movement." In Women Preachers and Prophets through Two Millennia of Christianity, edited by Beverly Mayne Kienzle and Pamela J. Walker, 227-247. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998.

Henrietta Benigna Justine Zinzendorf von Watteville (1725-1789) Moravian educator, a key figure in the beginnings of Moravian Seminary & College for Women, Bethlehem, Pa., was born in Berthelsdorf, Saxony. She was the 1st daughter & 2nd of 12 children, of whom only 4 reached maturity, of Count Nicolaus Ludwig von Zinzendorf by his wife, Countess Erdmuthe Dorothea von Reuss. Her father, founder of the Renewed Moravian Church, was of an old family of the Austrian nobility that had migrated to Germany. Her mother was of the nobility of Thuringia. Reared in the 18th-century Moravian Church, Benigna lived & achieved as a devout Pietist.
Henrietta Benigna Justine Zinzendorf von Watteville (1725-1789) with cittern

Her father’s banishment from Saxony, when she was 11, marked the beginning for her of a much-traveled life. With him she came to America for the first time in December 1741, for a stay of 14 months, chiefly in the newly established Moravian communities of Pennsylvania.

On May 4, 1742, at her father’s suggestion, the 16-year-old countess, with 2 assistants, opened a girls’ school in the Ashmead house in Germantown, Pennsylvania. Here 25 pupils were instructed in reading, writing, religion, & the household arts in what was probably the first boarding school for girls in the 13 British American colonies. Seven weeks later the school moved to Bethlehem; & in 1745, to nearby Nazareth, returning permanently in 1749, to Bethlehem, the center of the Moravian Church in America.

Moravian Young Ladie's Seminary and Church, Bethlehem, Pennsylvania

On July 27, 1742, Count von Zinzendorf and his fellowship crossed the Blue Mountain into Cherry Valley, and on July 28 they finally emerged from the endless forests at Meniolágoméka -- "The Fat Land Among the Barren" -- present-day Kunkletown. Von Zinzendorf's 16-year-old daughter, Benigna, upon meeting the Indian children at the settlement, decided that the girls should have the opportunity to go to school just like white boys.

The same year she founded Moravian Seminary in Germantown, Pennsylvania. Shortly thereafter it was moved to Bell House in Bethlehem, and Lady Benigna invited all the Indian girls to come. Moravian Seminary was the first boarding school for girls in the New World, and over time it gained a superb reputation -- so much so that 50 years later, while he was President, George Washington personally petitioned for admission of his great-nieces. Eventually the school's charter was expanded, and it became Moravian College and Moravian Academy, both of which remain to this day.

In the summer of 1742, Benigna Zinzendorf interrupted her teaching to accompany her father on 2 of his 3 trips among the Indians of Pennsylvania & New York, preparatory to establishing missions among them. The Zinzendorfs returned to Europe the following winter.

In 1746 Benigna was married to Baron Johann von Waterville (de Watteville), a Moravian clergyman & her father’s secretary, in a ceremony performed by Zinzendorf at the new Moravian settlement in Zeist, Holland. Consecrated a bishop the following year, Watteville, aided by his capable wife, became out outstanding leader of his church.

The couple came to America on church business in September 1748 & remained a year. On this visit Benigna de Watteville had a hand in the return of the girls’ school to Bethlehem, its consideration with schools in the outlying Moravian congregations, & the enlargement of its curriculum.

Thirty-five years later, en route to America a 3rd time, she was shipwrecked with her husband on the rocks off the Leeward Islands in February 1784. Reaching Bethlehem in June, they remained for 3 years. Again Countess Benigna was on hand to help direct a reorganization of the girls’ seminary, which in 1785, now opened to pupils from outside the Moravian Church, became a largely new institution, known for many years as the Bethlehem Female Seminary.

The Moravian philosophy of education was the rearing of children in a controlled Christian environment under consecrated teachers. Because of the worldwide mission commitments of the Church, many parents were abroad, with their children left behind in the care of the home community. Moravian teachers, therefore, tried as nearly as possible to serve as substitute parents. Both as a parent & as a devout church member, Benigna de Watteville kept this ideal in mind.

She had four children of her own: Johann Ludwig (born 1752), Anna Dorothea Elizabeth (1754), Maria Justine (1762), & Johann Christian Frederick (1766). The older son died while a missionary in Tranquebar, India, in 1780, & the younger son died at nineteen as a student at Herrnhut, the church headquarters on his grandfather’s Berthelsdorf estate. The younger daughter, who never married, served as a worker in the church. The older daughter married Hans Christian Alexander von Schweinitz (later changed to de Schweinitz) in Bethlehem, Pa., in 1779. One of their children was the distinguished American botanist Louis David de Schweinitz, & de Schweinitz descendants have for four generations been prominent in American educational & professional life.

Benigna de Watteville died in the place of her birth at the age of sixty-three, a year after her husband. The Bethlehem seminary, incorporated in 1863 as the Moravian Seminary for Young Ladies, became in 1913, Moravian Seminary & College for Women & in 1953, a part of the coeducational Moravian College at Bethlehem.

This posting based, in part, on information from Notable American Women edited by Edward T James, Janet Wilson James, Paul S Boyer, The Belknap Press of Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts. 1971

President George Washington's reply letter to Moses Seixas and the Hebrew Congregation of Newport Rhode Island in 1790 is listed by the Library of Congress as of the most important documents in the history of our Republic:

"Happily, the Government of the United States, which gives to bigotry no sanction, to persecution no assistance, requires only that they who live under its protection should demean themselves as good citizens in giving it on all occasions their effectual support...May the children of the stock of Abraham who dwell in this land continue to merit and enjoy the good will of the other inhabitants—while every one shall sit in safety under his own vine and fig tree and there shall be none to make him afraid. May the father of all mercies scatter light, and not darkness, upon our paths"

The earliest Jewish-born person recorded to have set foot on American soil was Joachim Gans in 1584, when, in 1584, Sir Walter Raleigh recruited him for an expedition to find a permanent settlement in the Virginia territory of the New World.  Sir Richard Grenville, leader of Raleigh's expedition, founded the Roanoke Colony on Roanoke Island off the coast of modern North Carolina in 1585. Among the ruins at the Roanoke site, archaeologists have discovered lumps of smelted copper and a goldsmith’s crucible attributed to Gans's work at the colony. Because the royal mining company failed to resupply colonists who were also becoming increasingly fearful of conflicts with the Native Americans, they accepted an offer from Sir Francis Drake in June 1586 to sail them to England. Each of the colonists, including Gans, left North America.

At least one Jew was forced to leave New England.  Solomon Franco, a Sephardic Jew from Holland who is believed to have settled in the city of Boston in the Massachusetts Bay Colony in 1649. Franco was a scholar & agent for Immanuel Perada, a Dutch merchant. He delivered supplies to Edward Gibbons, a major general in the Massachusetts militia. After a dispute over who should pay Franco (Gibbons or Perada) the Massachusetts General Court ruled on May 6, 1649, that Franco was to be expelled from the colony, and granted him "six shillings per week out of the Treasury for ten weeks, for sustenance, till he can get his passage to Holland."

Sephardic Dutch Jews were also among the early settlers of Newport (where Touro Synagogue, the country's oldest surviving synagogue building, stands), Savannah, Philadelphia & Baltimore.

In New York City, Shearith Israel Congregation is the oldest continuous congregation started in 1687 having their 1st synagogue erected in 1728, & its current building still houses some of the original pieces of that first.